Monday, March 16, 2026

Equatoria’s Greatest Enemy: Ourselves – A Manifesto for Liberation and the United Equatoria

Equatoria’s Greatest Enemy: Ourselves – A Manifesto for Liberation and the United Equatoria

 

ABBREVIATIONS

 

CES              Central Equatoria State

DC               District of Colombia
EPA              Equatoria People Alliance
ESSCA-US     Equatoria South Sudanese Community Association – United States
ESSCA-CA     Equatoria South Sudanese Community Association – Canada
ESCG            Equatoria Steering Committee Global

SSDHAG        South Sudanese Equatoria Diaspora Humanitarian Action Group

SSPDF          South Sudan People’s Defense Force
SSP              South Sudanese Pounds

SPLA/M-IG    Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in Government
SPLA/M-IO    Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in Opposition
NAS             National Salvation Front
USD             United States Dollar
WGS             Western Bahr Al-Ghazal State

 

Abstract

 

This article examines the internal and external challenges confronting Equatorian communities within South Sudan & the diaspora. While political marginalization and structural power concentration in Juba have contributed significantly to the weakening of Equatorian influence, internal social dynamics have also played a critical role. These include fragmentation along ethnic lines, leadership failures, misplaced community priorities, and the persistence of passive attitudes toward political struggle.

 

A growing culture that prioritizes & obsession with social entertainment, ethnic cultural promotion celebrations, and diaspora gatherings over education, leadership training, strategic planning, and organized political mobilization has weakened the capacity of Equatorians to defend their land and political interests. At the same time, collaborators within political institutions, corruption in land governance/land grabbing, and the spread of passive cult religious teachings have further undermined collective resistance.

 

The article argues that the survival and liberation of Equatoria require a fundamental transformation of social priorities. Cultural identity must be preserved, but it must be complemented by investment in education, leadership development, technological awareness, and strategic resources mobilization. Only through unity, disciplined organization, and long-term planning can Equatorians safeguard their land, dignity, sovereignty and political future.

 

This article identifies fourteen interconnected structural challenges that threaten Equatoria’s survival. It argues that the path forward requires a fundamental transformation of priorities—from entertainment to education, from ethnic fragmentation to regional unity, and from passive endurance to disciplined strategic action. Only by confronting internal weaknesses and mobilizing resources for collective survival can Equatorians reclaim their dignity, land, and political destiny.

 

Introduction

 

The political trajectory of South Sudan has generated increasing concern among many Equatorian communities. Across the world, grievances regarding land dispossession, demographic pressure, political marginalization, and declining influence in national decision-making have intensified.

Many Equatorians attribute these developments primarily to the political leadership in Juba. While the concentration of power in the capital has undoubtedly shaped the political environment, focusing exclusively on external actors obscures another critical dimension of the crisis: internal weaknesses within Equatorian society itself.

 

Equatoria’s predicament cannot be understood solely through the lens of external domination. Internal fragmentation, leadership failures, misplaced priorities, and a lack of coordinated strategic thinking have also contributed to the region’s vulnerability.

In many cases, communities expend significant financial resources and energy on social celebrations, cultural promotion events, and diaspora gatherings, while comparatively little attention is directed toward education, leadership preparation, economic development, and organized political mobilization.

If this imbalance continues, external political forces will continue to exploit these internal weaknesses. Addressing the crisis therefore requires not only confronting external pressures but also undertaking a serious reassessment of internal priorities and social practices.

 

Lessons from History: The Cost of Political Naivety

 

History provides sobering lessons for communities that underestimate the long-term consequences of political complacency.

The Anywaa (Anuak) lost Gambela, Akobo, Pibor, and Pochalla lands after hosting Nuer refugees who later turned against them (Johnson, 2016, Feyissa, 2011). Likewise, CE ethnic groups who believe “nothing will happen to them” while hosting the common enemy forces should learn from the Anywaa experience with Nuer—and the same warning applies to Fertit and Jor Chol lands in Western Bahr Al-Ghazal.

Hospitality and generosity are admirable values deeply embedded in many African societies, including Equatoria. However, generosity without political awareness and strategic foresight can lead to unintended consequences, including territorial loss and political marginalization.

Communities must therefore balance compassion with strategic vigilance.

 

Cultural Distractions and Misplaced Priorities

 

Equatorians should also reflect on developments in neighboring regions and the warnings they offer.

Equatorians should learn from their next-door neighbor Congo: Congolese are busy 24/7 with obsession of music, drinks, parties, expensive attire and shoes, and public display, while the eastern part of their country remains occupied by foreign invaders who loot natural resources and control political power.

This comparison highlights a broader problem faced by many societies. When communities become absorbed in entertainment and symbolic cultural expression without building institutional power, education systems, and strategic organization, they risk losing control over their political and economic future.

Cultural identity is essential and must be preserved. However, when cultural celebration, parties, music and drinks become the dominant priority while education, leadership training, critical thinking, reasoning skills, self defense and strategic organization are neglected, culture becomes a distraction rather than a tool of empowerment, liberation and independent.

 

Rethinking Cultural Conferences and Diaspora Gatherings

 

Across the diaspora, Equatorian organizations regularly organize cultural promotion events and yearly conferences. These gatherings play an important role in preserving identity and strengthening social bonds among dispersed communities.

However, these events often consume significant financial resources while producing limited long-term strategic outcomes.

For cultural promotions and diaspora community and ethnic yearly conferences to become meaningful, they must be transformed into One-Day Mega Combined Conference for all ethnic groups to participate and perform to reduce costs and redirect financial resources toward important sovereignty programs, and projects.

The remaining resources should support educational and intellectual gatherings focused on mathematics, sciences, business, economics, security strategies, self defense, lesson learned, leadership development, strategic thinking, critical reasoning, international relations. Such gatherings should identify and prepare emerging young leaders capable of guiding Equatoria through future political and economic challenges.

Conferences must therefore reflect substance rather than temporary entertainment-just feel good.

 

Leadership Crisis in Equatoria

 

Leadership challenges remain one of the most significant obstacles confronting Equatorian communities.

Insider Equatorians within the political system in Juba often function as regime bootlickers and “house niggers,” advancing divide-and-rule strategies that contribute to the marginalization of Equatorians. Many individuals within the system fear losing their positions, while others lack the courage to confront injustice and inequality directly.

 

During the Addis Ababa peace negotiations between 2015 and 2018, some Equatorian government representatives reportedly argued that Equatorians were too small a minority to confront the political leadership in Juba. Such statements echo the fearful spies described in Deuteronomy 1:25-28, who discouraged their people from confronting challenges.

Ironically, many of these officials are well-trained and experienced military officers. Yet they suppress their own potential—similar to the well-known American Indian story of an eagle raised among prairie chickens that never learned to fly.

Historically, however, Equatorian leadership was different. Between the 1940s and the 1990s, Equatorians united against common threats and identified themselves collectively as Awalad Juba or Equatorians Boys, rather than emphasizing narrow ethnic divisions.

 

The creation of 28 and later 32 states was a deliberate strategy to fragment Equatorian unity along ethnic lines and weaken the broader regional identity and unity of Equatoria. Unfortunately, some Equatorian elites within the SPLM/IG system facilitated this process.

The last widely respected leader was Gen. Peter Cirillo. Today Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka is attempting to assert himself as a savior and a defender of Equatorians and marginalized groups in Upper Nile and Bahr Al-Ghazal. Yet without widespread support from majority of Equatorian communities specially in the diaspora, such leadership efforts face severe limitations.

 

The Cult Church Teaching of Passivism in Equatoria

Religion occupies a central place in Equatorian social life. However, certain interpretations of cult religious teaching have contributed to a culture of passivity.

Many church leaders have encouraged congregations to endure suffering while waiting for divine intervention. If this pattern continues, Equatorians risk following the historical trajectory of the Coptic Christians in Egypt—once politically influential but eventually pushed to the margins of power.

 

The widespread belief in Ŋun kata1 (Rubuna fii)2 doctrine—that God will ultimately resolve all injustices and inequality—has contributed to a passive mindset among many Equatorian believers/ churchgoers.

While faith can provide strength and resilience, it should not discourage communities from taking responsibility for their own liberation.

 

Faith and Human Responsibility

 

The parable of Lazarus (John 11:1-15) reminds believers and ordinary churchgoers of an important principle. God raises the dead—this is God’s domain and competence. However, digging the grave, confronting oppression, and liberating ourselves are human responsibilities within human competence.

 

God will not descend from heaven to liberate Equatorians. Only Equatorians themselves can do that. God helps those who help themselves.

The 2018 peace agreement will not bring genuine peace, justice and equality under the Kiir regime. Continuous prayer and overnight prayer gatherings will not liberate Equatorians. The only law the Juba regime appears to understand is Newton’s Second Law of Motion—force produces change.

The political situation in South Sudan requires citizens to be strong, unified, organized under one leadership. Weakness invites exploitation.

 

Contribution Culture and the “Penguin Mentality- the majority of Equatorians exhibit “Penguinism”—their hands are too short to reach their own pockets (or their pockets have scorpions

 

Another internal challenge lies in the pattern of selective generosity within majority of Equatorian communities.

Many individuals contribute readily to social gatherings where they can enjoy food, drinks, and entertainment. However, very few contribute financially to liberation initiatives, educational programs, or strategic political efforts.

If every participant at community events contributed even five to ten dollars to genuine Equatorian liberation organizations, the situation today could be dramatically different.

Dr. Hakim Moi, leader of the Equatoria People Alliance (EPA), continues advocating for Equatorian independence despite extremely limited financial support from majority of Oppressed Equatorians.

 

Mobilization and Self-Protection

 

The only realistic path forward requires organized mobilization.

Equatorians must raise resources and apply sustained pressure on political structures that threaten their survival. As long as communities prioritize temporary entertainments over long-term security, Equatorians risk becoming refugees in their own homeland or neighbouring countries.

Equatorians must abandon the idea of outsourcing their security and protection to external actors. Communities must assume responsibility for defending their own political and territorial interests.

 

Diaspora Responsibility

 

Diaspora organizations such as ESSCA-US and ESSCA-CA carry significant responsibility in shaping the next generation.

However, these institutions have often failed to instill a strong sense of Equatorian identity among diaspora youth. Many young people grow up without understanding what it means to be Equatorian or how their heritage connects to the political future of their homeland.

Diaspora organizations must prioritize education, identity formation, advocacy, and policy engagement with host governments in order to support Equatoria’s long-term aspirations of united Sovereignty Equatoria.

 

The Way Forward

 

A practical starting point is the adoption of the South Sudanese Equatoria Diaspora Humanitarian Action Group (SSDHAG) vision developed in 2022, which unfortunately was not fully implemented both ESSCAs leadership. Equatorian organizations should reorganize under a unified global framework known as the Equatoria Steering Committee Global (ESCG). Consult ESSCAs leadership for copy.

 

Ethnic community yearly conference/events must shift from inward looking (my ethnic group) to outward vision of Greater Equatoria (Equatoria first), dances to action planning, leadership workshops, and preparing young leaders for current and future challengers. The 2025 Pojulu, Mundari, Yangwara cultural promotion events and others focused mainly on dance which will not liberate Equatoria, showcasing cultural artifacts, and dance instead of identifying emerging young leaders to lead Equatoria into second promise land, provide lectures on lessons learned, critical thinking, reasoning skills, Econ, security strategies, the importance of Math, Sciences, IT, cyber space, world issues, and self defense.

 

Equatorians risk becoming like eastern Congolese (occupied while partying) or African Americans (24/7 entertainment with no power in D.C.). Ask a harder question: what practical advantage do children gain from being taught only drumming, dancing, singing, and performance, in a world increasingly defined by technology and digital economies? These activities have cultural value, but on their own they do little to prepare young emerging people to navigate modern labor markets or engage with emerging fields such as AI and cyberspace. Without deliberate exposure to technological skills, many risk remaining digitally illiterate-similar to their parents who are technologically illiterate.

 

Equatorian cultural, yearly ethnic conferences and promotional events, as currently structured, do not equip youth to meet present or future demands. They emphasize heritage display over capability development. This imbalance has consequences.

 

By contrast, in countries such as China, Japan, and Germany children are systematically introduced to mathematics, sciences, and technical skills from an early age. They are trained in problem-solving, critical thinking, judgement, and analytical reasoning. Meanwhile, many African youths and students are still primarily exposed to music, dance, singing, and cultural performance without parallel investment in cognitive and technical development.

 

The issue is not culture versus education-it is the absence of integration. Cultural identity should not come at expense of intellectual and technological readiness.

 

For Equatoria to survive politically, cultural events must evolve into platforms that develop intellectual capacity, human capital, technological literacy, leadership training, self defense and strategic awareness.

 

Conclusion

 

Equatoria’s struggle is not only a confrontation with external political forces. It is also a struggle against internal weaknesses that undermine unity, discipline, and strategic thinking.

If current patterns continue—prioritizing entertainment over education, fragmentation over unity, and passivity over organized action—the political future of Equatoria will remain uncertain.

However, if Equatorians confront these internal challenges and commit themselves to discipline, unity, education, leadership development, resources mobilization, rally behind authentic leadership and strategic organization, a different future remains possible.

The liberation of Equatoria begins with a difficult realization:

Before confronting external enemies, Equatorians must first overcome themselves.

 

The Fourteen Interlocking Challenges  

1. Selective Generosity (“Penguinism”)– Arms too short for liberation but open for parties.  

2. Endless Talk, Little Coordinated Action – Social media warriors but no sustained collective effort.  

3. Lack of Authentic Servant Leadership– Glaring vacuum of selfless, competent leaders.  

4. Dangerous Proximity to the Enemy – Personal ties with Juba regime agents; double agents must be exposed, excluded, and banned.  

5. Passive Religiosity & Misguided Cult Teachings– “ Ŋun kata (Rubuna fii” fatalism dulls resistance.  

6. Excessive Pursuit of Music, Dance, and Endless Fun – Distraction mirroring occupied Congo or Palestine.  

7. The Binary Choice: Unity for Independence or Continued Subjugation – History (Torit 1955, Anya-Nya) demands the “United States of Equatoria”.  

8. Church CultTeachings Inducing Passivity – Prayer instead of organized resistance-prayers without Actions is useless

9. Internal Collaborators (“House Niggers/ bootlickers”) – Selling Equatorian lands to the common enemies and protecting regime allies.  

10. Strategic “False Marriages” and Demographic Engineering – Risk of “Dinka-Equatorians/ Nuer-Equatorians” and existential dilution.  

11. Complicit Equatorian Leaders in Juba – Enabling migration and land grabs for personal gain.  

12. The Biggest Enemy: Equatorians Themselves – Internal hatred, sabotage, and killings.  

13. Misallocation of Resources by Karo ethnic Groups – Millions spent on 3–5-day dancing instead of schools, clinics, businesses, leadership training, lesson learned, Econ, critical thinking, reasoning skill, security strategies, self defense and liberation.  

14. Failure to Enculcate and Empower the young emerging Generation – Dance over math, science, leadership, and strategy (e.g., recent Pujolo, Mundari, Nyangwara, and other ethnic group events).  

 

The Path Forward: From Awareness to Action  

Until these fourteen challenges are addressed—eliminating self-sabotage, redirecting resources to education and liberation, empowering youth, and forging unbreakable unity—Equatoria remains on the brink of erasure.  

 

First Steps We Must Take Today: 

- Forge transparent, cross-clan leadership outside Juba.  

- Redirect festival and diaspora funds to scholarships, STEM training, leadership programs, and liberation efforts.  

- Expose and isolate saboteurs and collaborators.  

- Build awareness campaigns: “Education and unity liberate; endless dance does not.”  

- Establish Equatorian Youth Education Funds and diaspora-led mentorship networks.  

- Coordinate globally for strategic action toward sovereignty.  

 

Equatorians—think big, sacrifice, unite, and act. Equatorians future depends on overcoming ourselves first.

 

Endnotes

 

1.     Ŋun Kata is Karo word means God exists.

2.    Rubuna fii is an Arabic word means God exists.

3.    Deuteronomy 1:25-28.  

4.    The classic American Indian story

5.    Liberation theology is a 20th-century Christian, primarily Catholic, movement originating in Latin America that interprets the gospel through the experiences of the poor and oppressed. It emphasizes "orthopraxy" (right action) over mere orthodoxy, advocating for social, economic, and political transformation to dismantle unjust, "sinful" structures.

 

 

REFERENCES

 

Feyissa, D. (2011). Playing Difference Games: The Paradox of Anywaa and Nuer Identification Strategies in the Gambella Region, Ethiopia.

Johnson, D. H. (2016). South Sudan: A New History for a New Nation.

Mackenzie, J., & Phillips, M. Land Law and Property Rights in Developing States.

Upper Nile Province Handbook (1931). Report on Peoples and Government in Southern Sudan.

Additional community reports and diaspora organizational publications.

 

 

 


Wednesday, November 5, 2025

HOW TO PLAN FOR DEMONSTRATION

 


DEMONSTRATION COMMITTEES’ FUNCTIONS


KEY TAKEAWAY POINTS

1. Planning and Timing

The success of any rally or demonstration depends on careful planning, strategic timing, and clear objectives.

Avoid scheduling rallies on:

  • Weekends
  • Long weekends
  • Mondays or Fridays

Best days: Tuesday or Wednesday

Why?

  • During weekends and long weekends, public officials, parliamentarians, senators, and media are usually away from the capital cities (e.g., Washington D.C., Ottawa, London). They typically depart Thursday and return Monday.
  • Media coverage is minimal on weekends, reducing visibility and impact.
  • Holding rallies during these times wastes valuable resources, time, and energy without achieving meaningful results.

Recommendation:
Organize summer rallies at state or provincial levels, where elected officials spend their holidays. National parliaments and congresses are usually in recess during that period.


2. Preparation and Invitations

  • Send invitation letters to public officials at least 30 days before the rally. This allows them time to prepare speeches and coordinate with their teams.
  • Invitations sent with less than two weeks’ notice often result in rejections or non-participation.
  • Organize parallel demonstrations in key cities: Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver (B.C.), Edmonton, and Calgary, as well as in major European cities.

3. Strategic Questions to Consider

  • Who will receive your message, policy paper, or meet with organizers over a holiday weekend if officials are away?
  • What is the true vision of your rally?
    • To enjoy a gathering in the capital?
    • Or to influence government policy and bring meaningful change in South Sudan/Sudan (the Sudans)?

4. Effective Committees

The success of a rally depends on well-structured committees with clear mandates and deliverables.
Committees should have the authority to plan, strategize, and evaluate progress in alignment with the rally’s objectives.


5. Timing on the Day of the Rally

  • The rally should begin between 11:00 AM and 1:00 PM.
  • This window allows maximum visibility and engagement from passers-by and office workers during lunch hours — adding value and potential supporters.

6. Essential Reminder

No major rally held on a long weekend, weekend, Monday, or Friday has ever achieved significant success — unless backed by active participation of public officials.

Always define clearly:

  • Who will do what, when, and how,
  • and follow up daily to ensure accountability.

7. Call to Action

If you cannot give up one day to join the rally, do not complain about:

  • Oppression and discrimination
  • Economic inequality
  • Injustice and land grabs
  • “Divide and rule” politics

Change requires participation.
Now is the time for everyone to work together to bring lasting change to South Sudan.


COMMITTEES AND THEIR FUNCTIONS


1. Operations Committee

Functions:

  • Chaired by individuals with operations and event management experience
  • Develop event checklists and programs
  • Select an MC and coordinate speakers (Main speaker: 10 minutes max; others: 5 minutes)
  • Prepare the official message to public officials:
    • Brief background of the issue
    • Current situation
    • Recommended actions
  • Avoid long speeches
  • Coordinate with stakeholders (ethnic communities, partners, etc.)
  • Design banners, leaflets, and messaging
  • Select music, performers, and dancers
  • Coordinate police and security
  • Manage food and water logistics

2. Finance & Logistics Committee

Functions:

  • Led by members with logistics or finance experience
  • Mobilize resources: volunteers, donations, and in-kind contributions
  • Manage guest itineraries and media coordination
  • Request support letters or donations from businesses (e.g., food, water)
  • Arrange transportation and accommodation for out-of-town guests
  • Provide clear directions and travel details

3. Outreach Committee

Functions:

  • Led by members experienced in advocacy, lobbying, and community engagement
  • Notify and engage:
    • African diaspora
    • South Sudanese communities
    • African American, Latin American, and Jewish organizations
  • Provide event overviews to:
    • Media
    • Members of Congress / Parliament
    • Policy makers, NGOs, churches, schools, etc.
  • Send formal invitations (at least 30 days prior)
  • Coordinate media appearances and message delivery
  • Strengthen outreach with African diaspora organizations

4. Health Committee

Functions:

  • Chaired by licensed medical professionals
  • Engage local doctors and nurses for support
  • Identify South Sudanese medical personnel to assist
  • Coordinate with local health authorities
  • Provide first aid kits
  • Invite city ambulance services

5. Public Officials Committee

Functions:

  • Led by individuals with expertise in lobbying, public affairs, and communications
  • Compile a list of all relevant officials (Democrats, Republicans, Mayors, Senators, MPs)
  • Establish communication with their offices
  • Discuss participation in the rally and related issues:
    • Human rights violations
    • Land grabs
    • Insecurity
    • Failed peace implementation
    • Political reform and federalism
  • Develop a policy position and advocacy strategy
  • Present diaspora voter influence and demographics
  • Request event sponsorship and media coverage
  • Encourage officials to post and share rally information

6. Security Committee

Functions:

  • Chaired by individuals with law enforcement or security experience
  • Protect people and property from potential threats (including regime agents or provocateurs)
  • Identify and manage safety risks
  • Prevent, detect, and respond to disruptive actions
  • Liaise with local police (e.g., DC Metropolitan Police)
  • Monitor for loss prevention and crowd safety

7. Religious Groups Committee

Functions:

  • Chaired by a Pastor, Father, or Sister experienced in interfaith coordination
  • Communicate clearly and concisely the rally’s core message to faith communities
  • Request:
    • Prayers
    • Sponsorships
    • Announcements through church channels
  • Engage all denominations to ensure broad moral and spiritual support

8. Human Rights (HRTs) Committee

Functions:

  • Led by individuals with human rights and advocacy backgrounds
  • Engage organizations like:
    • The Enough Project
    • Amnesty International
    • International Crisis Group
  • Request partnership and collaboration
  • Develop a policy paper on South Sudan’s political crisis and recommend federalism as a potential solution

9. State Representatives Committee

Functions:

  • Led by individuals skilled in public speaking and mobilization
  • Each state should appoint a rally representative linked to the Operations and Logistics Committees
  • Relay key messages to diaspora communities
  • Communicate with local elected officials
  • Mobilize resources and participation
  • Maintain an attendance commitment list
  • Provide daily updates to coordination teams

© Laku’s Research Centre


The Current Political Situation in Tanzanian

The below was posted on ACOA WhatsApp forum. 

@⁨Serge Banyongen⁩ shouldn't the TZ folks be the ones to initiate? It's happening in their country. They're the ones who can tell you how outsiders can be helpful.

My responses:

On moral grounds, it is neither right nor ethical for members of the Tanzanian (TZ) community to expect the African diaspora to reach out to them first. The reverse should be true. Based on my own experience in advocacy and lobbying, I have consistently offered a helping hand to other communities without waiting for them to contact me.

 

For example, I supported the Kenyan community without them first reaching out to the Sudanese community in Ottawa or to the Friends of Sudan group. When I began lobbying Members of Parliament and Senators, Dr. Sam Kwoffie approached me and introduced me to the late Hon. David Kilgour, M.P., P.C. Likewise, the STAND for Darfur student movement in Canada and the U.S. invited me to participate in their planning, operations, and logistics efforts — and together, we made a meaningful impact.

 

In 2008, rally organizers in Columbia, North Carolina, reached out to me to help plan and coordinate a major rally that drew over 8,000 participants — entirely organized by concerned citizens of North Carolina (see Ottawa Citizen for details).

From a moral perspective, if there were no Tanzanians in Ottawa or Canada, would we simply fold our hands and watch, or would we take action to make a difference in Tanzania and across Africa? I write this based on more than 20 years of advocacy and lobbying experience in Canada, the United States, Europe, and on university campuses in both Canada and the U.S.

To suggest that the African diaspora in the national capital should wait until the Tanzanian community reaches out is not only backward thinking but also a convenient excuse for inaction — a form of complicity that risks placing us on the wrong side of history.

 

Let me offer a few recommendations:

  1. Leadership and Coordination:
    I understand that ACAO leadership may hesitate to take initiative due to funding concerns. However, ACAO (which already has contacts for most diaspora community members) could call a meeting to discuss the situation. From that meeting, a demonstration committee could be formed — not as a representative of ACAO itself, but as a coalition acting on behalf of the broader diaspora community. This would protect ACAO from legal liability while enabling it to play a facilitative role.
  2. Immediate Actions:
    • Organize rallies across Canada.
    • Send letters to Members of Parliament, Senators, human rights groups, and churches.
    • Coordinate with partners in the U.S. and Europe to ensure alignment and consistency of action.
  3. Long-Term Goals:
    • Work toward influencing foreign policy in host countries.
    • Propose sustainable solutions to help prevent similar political crises in the future.

 

In short, the African diaspora must take the lead — with or without Tanzanian participation. The issues at hand are bigger than any single country. We must think beyond narrow boundaries and avoid excuses such as “TZ should reach out first.”

Let me conclude with the Parable of the Good Samaritan:
Did the victim reach out to the Good Samaritan for help?
Be the judge — and choose to stand on the right side of history.

The planned rally should also highlight political crises across Africa, not just in Tanzania.

The Parable of the Good Samaritan

Luke 10

25 On one occasion an expert in the law stood up to test Jesus. “Teacher,” he asked, “what must I do to inherit eternal life?”

26 “What is written in the Law?” he replied. “How do you read it?”

27 He answered, “‘Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength and with all your mind’[c]; and, ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’[d]

28 “You have answered correctly,” Jesus replied. “Do this and you will live.”

29 But he wanted to justify himself, so he asked Jesus, “And who is my neighbor?”

30 In reply Jesus said: “A man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, when he was attacked by robbers. They stripped him of his clothes, beat him and went away, leaving him half dead. 31 A priest happened to be going down the same road, and when he saw the man, he passed by on the other side. 32 So too, a Levite, when he came to the place and saw him, passed by on the other side. 33 But a Samaritan, as he traveled, came where the man was; and when he saw him, he took pity on him. 34 He went to him and bandaged his wounds, pouring on oil and wine. Then he put the man on his own donkey, brought him to an inn and took care of him. 35 The next day he took out two denarii[e] and gave them to the innkeeper. ‘Look after him,’ he said, ‘and when I return, I will reimburse you for any extra expense you may have.’

36 “Which of these three do you think was a neighbor to the man who fell into the hands of robbers?”

37 The expert in the law replied, “The one who had mercy on him.”

Jesus told him, “Go and do likewise.”

 

Here are some links for your use.

 

©Thanks for your interest, Hustin

The Theologian

 

 


Thursday, October 30, 2025

Rape Culture at Wartime and the Weaponization of Sexual Violence


1.      Cultural Context

 

In many African societies, women traditionally live with their parents until marriage. Culturally, it is often considered improper or even immoral for a woman—young or old—to live alone in her own apartment or house. Women who do so may be labeled as prostitutes. In some communities, women who marry foreigners are also stigmatized, since their association with outsiders is seen as crossing social boundaries. A woman’s movements are often confined to domestic and family-related spaces—school, work, the market, and family visits, while men’s world is public.

In traditional marriage practices in some African countries, several physical and social traits are valued in women. To be considered a desirable bride, a woman is expected to be:

1.       A virgin

2.      Well-endowed (“big bobo”)

3.      Broad-hipped and curvy

4.      Tall with a long neck &

5.      Possessing bright white teeth

A woman with all five traits can attract a bride price of up to 100 bulls or more, especially when several men compete for her hand. By contrast, a woman who possesses only a few of these qualities may be “worth” only a few goats, sheep, or chickens.

In communities influenced by Arab culture, premarital sex is seen as a deep source of family shame. In extreme cases, a woman who becomes pregnant before marriage may be killed by her father in what is called an honor killing—an act intended to “preserve” family dignity.

2. The Impact of War and Sexual Violence

 

During wartime, women often become targets of rape, abduction, and sexual enslavement. Those who lose their virginity through rape face immense stigma, making it nearly impossible for them to find husbands afterward. In some cases, husbands abandon wives who have been raped, while entire communities disown survivors. Tragically, there is often no medical or psychological support to help women recover from the trauma.

Rape during conflict is not a random act—it is a deliberate weapon of war. Armed groups use it to:

• Dehumanize and dominate women by turning them into sexual slaves and breaking the morale of their communities.
• Send a message of power and humiliation, implying that the victims will carry the perpetrator’s offspring, thus changing the social and demographic fabric of the region.
• Redefine ethnic or political boundaries by impregnating women to alter future generations.

3. Male Victims of Wartime Rape

 

Although less discussed, men and boys are also victims of wartime sexual violence. Raping males serves similar purposes: to dehumanize, to assert dominance, and to spread fear within communities. It carries an additional layer of cultural shame, as African traditions consider male submission to sexual violence as a deep dishonor. Such acts are sometimes carried out by national security forces to instill fear and suppress dissent. For instance, many men arrested or detained experienced rape and sexual violence in the custody of the National Security of Sudan (NSS) and South Sudan (NSS) and Uganda Defense forces (northern Uganda).

4. Consequences for Victims

 

The aftermath of sexual violence is devastating. Survivors often face lifelong trauma, social rejection, and economic marginalization. Many are disowned by their families and shunned by their communities. Those who become pregnant through rape sometimes resort to abortion or infanticide to avoid reliving the trauma and social stigma.

Children born of rape frequently grow up as painful reminders of violence. For the families, these assaults also represent the loss of bride wealth—a significant economic blow, as a raped daughter is no longer considered marriageable and thus 'worth' no bride price. For example, South Sudan, the Darfur region of Sudan, Central Africa, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and others were ranked lower than Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In Darfur, women who were raped or sexually abused would always describe their experiences as follows: "Rebels or military beat her, meaning rape her to avoid shame."

5. Conclusion

 

Rape during war is not simply an act of lust or opportunism; it is a weapon intentionally designed to destroy individuals, families, and entire societies. It exploits existing cultural norms about honor, purity, and gender, turning them into instruments of humiliation and control. Addressing wartime rape requires not only justice for the perpetrators but also a profound cultural and institutional transformation that restores dignity, provides trauma care, and rebuilds community trust. 

Equatoria’s Greatest Enemy: Ourselves – A Manifesto for Liberation and the United Equatoria

Equatoria’s Greatest Enemy: Ourselves – A Manifesto for Liberation and the United Equatoria   ABBREVIATIONS   CES               Cent...