In January 2005, the government of Omar Hassan Al Bashir and the Sudan People Liberation Movement/ Army (SPLM/A) signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).Under the CPA provision of “one country, and two systems” model, the north and south will share power, resources and wealth which are located in the disputed areas of Abyei, Blue Nile State and the Nuba Mountains.
These disputed areas are still officially part of the North but may have an opportunity to join the South pursuant to a public vote under the CPA provisions. In addition, as per the CPA, both the north and south will maintain separate armies in addition to a joint integrated army that they share. Following a six year transitional period, the south will determine whether it wants to secede via a referendum or remain part of a united Sudan.
Sudan like other African States is facing a democratic test through transformation from a one party state to a multi-party rule via good governance and its key components of fair, free, transparency, credible, inclusive, legitimacy, accountability, and rule of law. However, the main issues of disputes are the census, free press, the Election Commission, Security law, and ballot papers.
The census is a periodic count of the population and the results are use to define electoral constituencies, affecting the number of parliamentary seats as well as state budget for each Sudanese state. The 2009, census in Sudan reduced the South Sudan population, while increasing the population of war-torn Darfur which resulted in the IDPs displacement, 400,000 died, and loss of life as a result of hunger and drought. Reliable source from the GoSS suggested that the SPLM and NCP agreed that 60 more seats will be created in the national parliament in order to compensate the census results as well as will give SPLM veto power in the national parliament.
SPLM could have organized a census of the South Sudan population and contrasted its results with 2009 census to demonstrate its position credibly, as well as to provide the international community and donors and trustees in particular with substantial evidence about the census. It has not done so.
The free press is compromised by the politics of the state parties in the North and South. Since the CPA, neither the South nor the North state parties have been able to transform themselves towards democratic behaviour with respect to other parties. The SPLM restricts other political parties from campaigning in the South. South Sudan TV under the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is not mandated to cover non-SPLM political rallies. For instance, in the first week of March 2010, the SPLM-DC was obstructed in Wau by GoSS security officials not to hold rallies. Further, in a letter dated November 9, 2009, “Salva Kirr, the first vice president of Sudan gave a directive through Dr. Luka Tombekana Monja, Minister of Cabinet Affairs, to all the governors of ten South Sudan States to cooperate and not to hinder works of other political parties except the so called SPLM-DC.” Such orders and directives go against the rules of the National Election Commission (NEC).
Most of the northern political parties including SPLM accused NEC of being biased in favour of NCP and suggested that the election be postponed. President Al Bashir warned that there would be no referendum without primary elections in April 2010.
The opposition and SPLM parties were not ready for election, were disorganized and badly financed. Furthermore, SPLM was afraid of losing seats hence lose control of the South Sudan Parliament since there are a large number of independent candidates within SPLM who are nominated by their constituencies and the road for referendum would be difficult. For the NCP, the only way to weaken the SPLM and to break the horns of separatists in the South was through the election. Since SPLM failed to deliver on services and real development since it assumed power in 2005, it was not ready, and it is also inexperienced in the politics of election.
The NCP in Khartoum has delivered many development projects such as building new roads that connect the North, East, and West. Currently the NCP has proposed a new highway that will connect Port Sudan and Senegal through Chad; Sudan and South Africa; schools, universities, hospitals, bridges, airports; electricity and water network; and initiated new agricultural projects in Geizra agricultural Scheme.
To contrast NCP’s achievements with SPLM’s, there are no new schools, hospitals, roads, bridges, airports and electricity and water networks that connect the South’s major cities, the water services and electricity network are still very poor; and there is no agricultural scheme initiated to meet the food demands of South Sudanese. Most basic necessities are imported from Uganda, Kenya, andNorth Sudan. Furthermore, the SPLM is invisible in the North, East, and Western Sudan. The Chairman of SPLM did not visit many cities and states in the North except GoSS Speaker of the parliament. SPLM failed to initiate projects in the North, East, and Darfur. South Sudan is very poor. During heated discussions, SPLM tended to walk out of the parliament sessions.
Based on the above factors, early exit and withdrawal of Yasir Arman was the best solution to avoid disappointment and shame, because the election was about service delivery and real development on the ground. SPLM's new strategy was to consolidate its power, present in the South and hope to win the referendum at all cost, and tried to buy time to avoid the April 2010 election.
If South Sudan under the SPLM achieved referendum, the small tribes will be under the major tribes which control SPLM/A currently and South Sudan will be faced with the issue of majority versus minority as in the Balkans in Eastern Europe.
"We're trying to separate ourselves from the Arabs because of marginalization,” says Clement Maring Samuel, a Mundari SPLA pastor now serving as Terekeka's Commissioner. "But if the Dinka don't behave well, we will separate again."(additional reporting by Chen Aizhu in Beijing and Andrew Quinn in Washington; editing by Sara Ledwith).On the other hand, if the referendum failed, South Sudan will remain under the control of the North and the dream of forefathers of South Sudan separatists and liberation movement will die.
In the case of Darfur the situation is rather different. Al Bashir was indicted and the ICC issued an arrest warrant, but the population of Darfur see Al Bashir like Saul of Tarsus who persecuted thechurch of Christ and became one of the best apostles of Christ to advance the church mission. With support and extra funding from Arab princes and heads of states, Al Bashir is currently building 100 pilot housing projects to relocate IDPs from their camps to new housing (built with red brick). Each house consists of two bedrooms, bathroom, and kitchen, and 85 medical clinics. With this real development on the ground, would the IDPs vote for Al Bashir or Abdu Wahide Nur who lives in Francesince 2007 and is invisible on the ground?
Election riggings and frauds such as those that occurred in Nigeria in June 12, 1993, Iran in June 2009, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008, and Afghanistan in 2009 should be an eye opener for the chairman of NEC who was appointed by SPLM. The decision of NEC to print presidential ballots in government owned printing press was the beginning of unfair rigging and possible fraud of election materials. The contract could have been awarded to privates printing companies to prevent boycotts and withdrawal of some political parties from the election. To prevent rigging, fraud, and manipulation of the cast ballots through logistic processes; the cast votes must be counted at the polling centers by the end of each day especially the cast ballots from outside Khartoum. Failure to do so results in boxes being changed during the transportation from polling centers to counting centers in Khartoum and stuffing of boxes with unofficial votes.
It has been almost six years of transitional period that the South will determine whether it wants to secede via referendum, or remain a part of united Sudan. However, the road to the referendum is fair, free, transparent, credible, inclusive, legitimate, accountable, and follows the rule of law in the election process. Are there any lessons that can be learnt from Kenya’s last election?
Justin Laku©
University of Ottawa, Canada.
Friday, December 3, 2010
Sudan Elections: Democracy at Last ?
Elections as a fundamental or instrumental right
In analyzing election outcome and the prospects for democracy in Sudan, it is necessary to distinguish between ultimate goals and the necessary instruments for achieving them. It would make sense for political parties in Sudan to distinguish between fundamental rights and instrumental rights. “The right to vote, for instance, is an instrumental right designed to help us achieve the fundamental right of government by consent. The right to a free press is also an instrumental right designed to help us achieve an open society and freedom of information” (Milton R. Konvitz, 2001).
Democracy in depth / Democracy in theory
By the same token, political parties can distinguish between democracy as means and democracy as goals. The most fundamental of the goals of democracy are probably four in number. Firstly, to make rulers accountable and answerable for their actions and policies. Secondly, to make citizens effective participants in choosing rulers and regulating their actions. Thirdly, to make the society as open and the economy as transparent as possible; and fourthly, to make the social order fundamentally just and equitable to the greatest number possible. Accountable rulers, actively participating citizens, an open society with a transparent economy, and social justice: those are the four fundamental ends of democracy (Roland N. Stromberg, 1996).
In order to achieve these goals, citizens must make their rulers more accountable. The U.S.A., for example, has chosen separation of powers and checks and balances; whilst the U.K., has chosen increased sovereignty of Parliament. These are different ways to make the executive branch more accountable and answerable in its use of powers.
General governance in Sudan
One component of good governance is rule of law, specifically during elections. Again, in the U.S.A, the law is on the side of the open society (Lois G. Forer). On the other hand, in Sudan and much of the rest of Africa, the law of libel can be used to stop the flow of information, rather than facilitate it. Libel law in Sudan can be more an ally of censorship than a partner of an open society.
In Sudan, the free press is compromised by the politics of the state parties in both the North and the South. Since the CPA, state parties in the South and the North have not been able to transform themselves towards democratic behaviour with respect to the political views of other parties. The SPLM party restricts the campaigning of other parties in the South through arrest, harassment, and detention with no legal grounds. Also, South Sudan television, controlled by the Government of South Sudan (GoSS), is mandated not to cover non-SPLM political rallies. In March 2010, the SPLM-DC in the City ofWau, was prevented from holding rallies by GoSS security officials. Earlier, in a letter dated November 9, 2009, Salva Kirr, the First Vice-President of Sudan, had given orders through the Minister of Cabinet Affairs, Dr. Luka Tombekana Monja to governors of ten South Sudan States to hinder the work of other political parties.This goes against the rules of democracy and good governance.
Democracy in Sudan / Democracy in practice
The question, then is, what does democracy mean to Sudanese voters? African leaders inherited democracy from colonial masters without understanding the concept behind it. In essence, democracy, as applied in Sudan is tantamount to a “copy and paste” of western democracy, and lacks solid beliefs, values, and processes that are meaningful to the locals. As a result, these artificial applications of democracy remain vulnerable to the instinctive impulse of tribalism. Therefore, democracy in Sudan is rife with tribalism, ethnic nepotism, and ethnic favouritism.
It is not the visible process of democracy that will bring success overnight, but rather a host of behind the scenes and necessary development projects and initiatives on the ground, that will lead Sudan to the third dimension of democracy.
The third dimension of democracy is stability: which is a social-political precondition for both sustainable development and durable democracy. Sudan’s three greatest needs are development, democracy, and stability. Alleviation of poverty is one of the fruits of democratised development, and it is also one of the most obvious and tangible gains to be had when democracy and development are jointly stabilised and truly humanised.
Democracy suffered greatly in Sudan during the Cold War era, because Sudanese government of the day was allowed to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of fighting communism. The question now stands, as to whether democracy in Sudan will now suffer, again, because the Sudanese governments in South and North are encouraged to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of unfair election and illegitimate governments?
The three horsemen
Election rigging and other vote frauds, such as the ones allegedly taking place in Central Equatorial, Unity State, Wau, and other parts of Sudan in the Governorship and State Parliament races, are all clear indications of an unfair, non-free, non-transparent, non-credible, and non-inclusive election held with and in, an absence of rule of law. Sudanese democracy is thus being killed by multiple assassins; which are the National Election Commission (NEC), the NCP, and SPLM.
Each of these three suspects in the election rigging game has had a hand in unfair elections, and indeed, has contributed to the death of democracy in Sudan. For example, the NEC in the North, by its decision to print presidential ballots in a government owned printing press, opened the door to unfair rigging and possible fraud in the creation of election materials. On the part of the NCP, its use of oil money and public services to fund its campaigns is a crass destruction of the democratic process and a trampling of Islamic laws.
Finally, the SPLM harassment of independent candidates, and directives and orders handed down to ban the activities of SPLM-DC, are an added false start to the work of democratization in Sudan. However, democracy in South Sudan is not yet fully dead as there are still signs of life and hope. Yes, it is true that first- aid is sorely required to give it life through recounts, cross- referencing voter lists with actual votes cast in areas where irregularities allegedly occurred, and so forth.
The way forward
In the final analysis, this unfair election may cause more harm than good to both SPLM, and NCP as CPA partners, and the road to independence for South Sudan through the upcoming referendum in 2011, will be that much more difficult.
From the indicators on the ground, most Southern Sudanese Citizens are in favour of separation under the SPLM; and the North is trying its utmost best to make continued unity attractive at all costs. The only and final voices on the status and prospects for democracy in Sudan are the Sudanese people, who have remained oppressed for 25 years and would very much like to see change from a one party state to multi-party rule; all through good governance and its key components of fair, free, transparent, credible and inclusive elections; accountability and legitimacy in governance; and, the rule of law.
Kenya election was a litmus test but sadly African governments failed to learn from election riggings and frauds such as those that occurred in Nigeria in June12, 1993, Iran in June 2009, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008, and Afghanistan in 2009 and democracy will continue to suffer in the continent.
What should be done regarding rigging votes? The first step is that the NEC should resolve disputes over election results through a disputes and complaints committee. The results must be reviewed, with options put on the table including a recount (in Terekeka, Bentiu, and Wau) to satisfy stakeholders’ confidence in the NEC.
Finally, the way ahead is creation of a multi-national state thus must ascribe to the principles of equality, acceptance, respect, freedom, separation of religion from state, peace and reconciliation initiatives, need for the creation of national consciousness and of an awareness of common values, sense of responsibility for the country’s other cultures, and the law-enforcement against culture of corruption, tribalism, ethnic nepotism, and ethnic favouritism.
By Justin Laku©
University of Ottawa, Canada.
In analyzing election outcome and the prospects for democracy in Sudan, it is necessary to distinguish between ultimate goals and the necessary instruments for achieving them. It would make sense for political parties in Sudan to distinguish between fundamental rights and instrumental rights. “The right to vote, for instance, is an instrumental right designed to help us achieve the fundamental right of government by consent. The right to a free press is also an instrumental right designed to help us achieve an open society and freedom of information” (Milton R. Konvitz, 2001).
Democracy in depth / Democracy in theory
By the same token, political parties can distinguish between democracy as means and democracy as goals. The most fundamental of the goals of democracy are probably four in number. Firstly, to make rulers accountable and answerable for their actions and policies. Secondly, to make citizens effective participants in choosing rulers and regulating their actions. Thirdly, to make the society as open and the economy as transparent as possible; and fourthly, to make the social order fundamentally just and equitable to the greatest number possible. Accountable rulers, actively participating citizens, an open society with a transparent economy, and social justice: those are the four fundamental ends of democracy (Roland N. Stromberg, 1996).
In order to achieve these goals, citizens must make their rulers more accountable. The U.S.A., for example, has chosen separation of powers and checks and balances; whilst the U.K., has chosen increased sovereignty of Parliament. These are different ways to make the executive branch more accountable and answerable in its use of powers.
General governance in Sudan
One component of good governance is rule of law, specifically during elections. Again, in the U.S.A, the law is on the side of the open society (Lois G. Forer). On the other hand, in Sudan and much of the rest of Africa, the law of libel can be used to stop the flow of information, rather than facilitate it. Libel law in Sudan can be more an ally of censorship than a partner of an open society.
In Sudan, the free press is compromised by the politics of the state parties in both the North and the South. Since the CPA, state parties in the South and the North have not been able to transform themselves towards democratic behaviour with respect to the political views of other parties. The SPLM party restricts the campaigning of other parties in the South through arrest, harassment, and detention with no legal grounds. Also, South Sudan television, controlled by the Government of South Sudan (GoSS), is mandated not to cover non-SPLM political rallies. In March 2010, the SPLM-DC in the City ofWau, was prevented from holding rallies by GoSS security officials. Earlier, in a letter dated November 9, 2009, Salva Kirr, the First Vice-President of Sudan, had given orders through the Minister of Cabinet Affairs, Dr. Luka Tombekana Monja to governors of ten South Sudan States to hinder the work of other political parties.This goes against the rules of democracy and good governance.
Democracy in Sudan / Democracy in practice
The question, then is, what does democracy mean to Sudanese voters? African leaders inherited democracy from colonial masters without understanding the concept behind it. In essence, democracy, as applied in Sudan is tantamount to a “copy and paste” of western democracy, and lacks solid beliefs, values, and processes that are meaningful to the locals. As a result, these artificial applications of democracy remain vulnerable to the instinctive impulse of tribalism. Therefore, democracy in Sudan is rife with tribalism, ethnic nepotism, and ethnic favouritism.
It is not the visible process of democracy that will bring success overnight, but rather a host of behind the scenes and necessary development projects and initiatives on the ground, that will lead Sudan to the third dimension of democracy.
The third dimension of democracy is stability: which is a social-political precondition for both sustainable development and durable democracy. Sudan’s three greatest needs are development, democracy, and stability. Alleviation of poverty is one of the fruits of democratised development, and it is also one of the most obvious and tangible gains to be had when democracy and development are jointly stabilised and truly humanised.
Democracy suffered greatly in Sudan during the Cold War era, because Sudanese government of the day was allowed to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of fighting communism. The question now stands, as to whether democracy in Sudan will now suffer, again, because the Sudanese governments in South and North are encouraged to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of unfair election and illegitimate governments?
The three horsemen
Election rigging and other vote frauds, such as the ones allegedly taking place in Central Equatorial, Unity State, Wau, and other parts of Sudan in the Governorship and State Parliament races, are all clear indications of an unfair, non-free, non-transparent, non-credible, and non-inclusive election held with and in, an absence of rule of law. Sudanese democracy is thus being killed by multiple assassins; which are the National Election Commission (NEC), the NCP, and SPLM.
Each of these three suspects in the election rigging game has had a hand in unfair elections, and indeed, has contributed to the death of democracy in Sudan. For example, the NEC in the North, by its decision to print presidential ballots in a government owned printing press, opened the door to unfair rigging and possible fraud in the creation of election materials. On the part of the NCP, its use of oil money and public services to fund its campaigns is a crass destruction of the democratic process and a trampling of Islamic laws.
Finally, the SPLM harassment of independent candidates, and directives and orders handed down to ban the activities of SPLM-DC, are an added false start to the work of democratization in Sudan. However, democracy in South Sudan is not yet fully dead as there are still signs of life and hope. Yes, it is true that first- aid is sorely required to give it life through recounts, cross- referencing voter lists with actual votes cast in areas where irregularities allegedly occurred, and so forth.
The way forward
In the final analysis, this unfair election may cause more harm than good to both SPLM, and NCP as CPA partners, and the road to independence for South Sudan through the upcoming referendum in 2011, will be that much more difficult.
From the indicators on the ground, most Southern Sudanese Citizens are in favour of separation under the SPLM; and the North is trying its utmost best to make continued unity attractive at all costs. The only and final voices on the status and prospects for democracy in Sudan are the Sudanese people, who have remained oppressed for 25 years and would very much like to see change from a one party state to multi-party rule; all through good governance and its key components of fair, free, transparent, credible and inclusive elections; accountability and legitimacy in governance; and, the rule of law.
Kenya election was a litmus test but sadly African governments failed to learn from election riggings and frauds such as those that occurred in Nigeria in June12, 1993, Iran in June 2009, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008, and Afghanistan in 2009 and democracy will continue to suffer in the continent.
What should be done regarding rigging votes? The first step is that the NEC should resolve disputes over election results through a disputes and complaints committee. The results must be reviewed, with options put on the table including a recount (in Terekeka, Bentiu, and Wau) to satisfy stakeholders’ confidence in the NEC.
Finally, the way ahead is creation of a multi-national state thus must ascribe to the principles of equality, acceptance, respect, freedom, separation of religion from state, peace and reconciliation initiatives, need for the creation of national consciousness and of an awareness of common values, sense of responsibility for the country’s other cultures, and the law-enforcement against culture of corruption, tribalism, ethnic nepotism, and ethnic favouritism.
By Justin Laku©
University of Ottawa, Canada.
SPLA/M: Does it Hold Hope for Sudan?
July 10th, 2011: SPLM HQ, Juba: Remarks by NCA Representative
The civil war in Sudan is one of Africa’s longest, bloodiest and most inflexible conflicts. Civil wars have been fought in Uganda (1981-86), Ethiopia (1974-91), Rwanda (1990-94), Liberia (1990-93), and Mozambique (1980-93). Oppressed or excluded groups fought their way from the periphery into power at the center to free themselves from oppressive rule by those who had been controlling the center.
In Southern Sudan, power sharing has been absent with regards to the separation of religion from State, sharing of the natural resources, equality and justice among the Sudanese people. Despite the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), power is still centralized in Khartoum.
A point of tension and conflict is the identity of Sudan as an African nation. Despite its geographic location in the Continent and majority African population, the majority of power is held by 39% of its population who are Arabs. These are the main reasons behind the first and the second civil wars in 1950s, 1960s, and 1983s.
Slavery and war against terrorism have placed Sudan on the CIA, FBI and international community’s scrutiny- particularly the discovery of oil in Southern Sudan in 1979. The Khartoum regime allegedly gave Osama Bin-Laden a safe haven which he used to plan the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, with the support of the Khartoum regime.
Four years since the SPLA/M assumed power in Southern Sudan, the security situation has not improved. The Lord’s Resistance Army’s (LRA) military activities are still active in Central and Western Equatorial States. The Government of the Southern Sudan (GoSS) has failed to protect its citizens and disarm the Dinka tribesmen who continue to terrorize Central, Eastern, and Western Equatorial civilians in Magwi County, Nimule, Yei, Yambio, and other parts of Great Equatorial. Furthermore, the Dinka tribesmen deliberately allow their cattle to graze on the Great Equatorial farming land.
The people of South Sudan are divided by power as well. Most of the GoSS cabinet, deputies ministers, attorney generals, as well as senior officers in the police force, prisons, military, civil and foreign service are from the Dinka tribe. Dinkas in the SPLA constitute the largest portion of the military personnels within the movement. The Dinka use their dominance to suppress other Southern Sudanese tribes instead of sharing power, as Arabs did before 2005.
The Dinkas seem to be out to gain control over the natural resources of Southern Sudan; rule over the rest of the South, kill, and imprison anyone who opposes their ill-conceived “Dinka Born to Rule” notion. The classic example is the appointment of hard-line proponent of Dinka nationalism, Able Alier, as a ‘born to rule advisor’ to Salva Kiir Mayardit, for the purposes of implementing the policy of Dinka domination over other tribes.
Since the beginning of 2009, Eastern and Central Equatorial civilians have been killed and the Great Equatorial girls and women raped. The SPLA high officials have been appropriating Central and Eastern Equatorial lands and selling them to Somalia businessmen – leaving the land owners homeless and displaced.
The culture of corruption is rampant with development money leaving South Sudan and going to foreign accounts. The pattern of events in Southern Sudan is symptomatic of lack of good governance and leadership within the SPLA/M.
The GoSS has failed to educate the public on the importance of democracy, fair elections and good governance (whose components include accountability, legitimacy, democracy, equality, inclusiveness, transparency, coherency, conflict resolution, efficiency, and rule of law.)
Pressure must be put on the SPLA leadership to implement their commitments to good governance and full representation of all Southern Sudan tribes in the GoSS. Victims of rape and human rights abuse must be redressed and the lands taken forcefully from the Great Equatorial be given back to their owners. Equality in treatment is paradoxically based on the disorder and injustice produced by inequality.
©Laku, SR
University of Ottawa
SRI Lanka: Canada Should Learn from Rwanda
The Canadian government's silence on the ongoing genocide in Sri Lanka against the Tamil people only helps the oppressor-the Sri Lankan regime. This is the same regime that deported Canadian Member of Parliament Bob Rea. Canada’s silence demonstrates an attitude of indifference, lack of humanity, inaction.
The silence of the international community allowed the death of thousands of Armenians who lost their lives under the Turkish government in 1914. Six million Jews were isolated, denied food and finally killed by Adolf Hitler in 1930s. 750,000 Cambodians were put to death under the Khmer Rouge leadership in 1975; thousands of Tibetans humiliated under the Chinese regime; almost a million Tutsi Rwandans massacred by the Hutus groups in 1994 and 400,000 of the African tribes burned to death by the Khartoum regime in Darfur. No one came to rescue them.
World leaders still sing Never Again, but Never Again is taking place in Sri Lanka, Burma, Tibet, and Darfur. The truth is written on the New England Memorial, but today it remains unexercised in the face of genocide:
“When the Nazis came for the communists, I remained silent;
I was not a communist. Then they locked up the social democrats,
I remained silent;
I was not a social democrat.
Then they came for the trade unionists,
I did not protest;
I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews,
I did not speak out;
I was not a Jew.
When they came for me,
there was no one left to speak out for me” -Arif Jinha
Like Darfur Genocide, the Sri Lanka Genocide happened right before our eyes on TV and the internet. World leaders watched with knowledge of the intentions of the perpetrator - the intent to kill, to eliminate Tamil people, starve Tamil children and women, rape Tamil women and girls and isolate Tamil men. The international community including Canada, the author of the Right to Protect (R2P), failed to prevent, protect, and to save innocent lives. Has the Canadian government learnt any lessons from the Rwanda Genocide? The Darfur Genocide in slow motion? It is time the Canadian government left indifference and took lead in preventing the ongoing Genocide in Sri Lanka, Burma, and Tibet, and Darfur, and showed that R2P can save lives.
The Canadian government needs to discern between Tamil freedom fighters and humanity. Humanity has no political colors. Humanity is about preventing death, protecting and saving life.
The Canadian government should take the position of upstander, not that of the bystander who does nothing when Genocide is happening in Sri Lanka, Darfur, Tibet and Burma. The failure to do so means creating mass refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in camps without food security and medical attention, raping of women and girls. It means that human rights abuses will continue against the Tamils, deportation of government officials will increase, and Tamil freedom and self-determination will be lost.
As a middle power, Canada needs to show leadership in the world so that the victims of the Ongoing Genocide in Sri Lanka will know that they’re not alone, not forgotten. Their voices shall be heard, and Canada will not be on the wrong side of History. The Harper government should do the following:
a) Fast track immigration process to the refugees so that they can join their love ones in Canada by send in additional immigration officers;
b) Table peace talk resolutions to the UN Security Council to determine the future of Tamil under the federal state of Sri Lanka, or a two state alternative;
c) Send in Non-Partisan Fact Finding Mission to visit the refugees, and IDPs and assess their needs; consult with other governments to put pressure to Sri Lanka regime to allow humanitarian aids to IDPs and refugees, and;
d) Form a committee of elected officials from European Union (EU), Canada, and the U.S to listen to the aspirations of Tamil peoples.
Can Stephen Harper help make this injustice against innocent Tamil children, women, and men visible?
© Hüstin Läkü, Sr.
The silence of the international community allowed the death of thousands of Armenians who lost their lives under the Turkish government in 1914. Six million Jews were isolated, denied food and finally killed by Adolf Hitler in 1930s. 750,000 Cambodians were put to death under the Khmer Rouge leadership in 1975; thousands of Tibetans humiliated under the Chinese regime; almost a million Tutsi Rwandans massacred by the Hutus groups in 1994 and 400,000 of the African tribes burned to death by the Khartoum regime in Darfur. No one came to rescue them.
World leaders still sing Never Again, but Never Again is taking place in Sri Lanka, Burma, Tibet, and Darfur. The truth is written on the New England Memorial, but today it remains unexercised in the face of genocide:
“When the Nazis came for the communists, I remained silent;
I was not a communist. Then they locked up the social democrats,
I remained silent;
I was not a social democrat.
Then they came for the trade unionists,
I did not protest;
I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews,
I did not speak out;
I was not a Jew.
When they came for me,
there was no one left to speak out for me” -Arif Jinha
Like Darfur Genocide, the Sri Lanka Genocide happened right before our eyes on TV and the internet. World leaders watched with knowledge of the intentions of the perpetrator - the intent to kill, to eliminate Tamil people, starve Tamil children and women, rape Tamil women and girls and isolate Tamil men. The international community including Canada, the author of the Right to Protect (R2P), failed to prevent, protect, and to save innocent lives. Has the Canadian government learnt any lessons from the Rwanda Genocide? The Darfur Genocide in slow motion? It is time the Canadian government left indifference and took lead in preventing the ongoing Genocide in Sri Lanka, Burma, and Tibet, and Darfur, and showed that R2P can save lives.
The Canadian government needs to discern between Tamil freedom fighters and humanity. Humanity has no political colors. Humanity is about preventing death, protecting and saving life.
The Canadian government should take the position of upstander, not that of the bystander who does nothing when Genocide is happening in Sri Lanka, Darfur, Tibet and Burma. The failure to do so means creating mass refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in camps without food security and medical attention, raping of women and girls. It means that human rights abuses will continue against the Tamils, deportation of government officials will increase, and Tamil freedom and self-determination will be lost.
As a middle power, Canada needs to show leadership in the world so that the victims of the Ongoing Genocide in Sri Lanka will know that they’re not alone, not forgotten. Their voices shall be heard, and Canada will not be on the wrong side of History. The Harper government should do the following:
a) Fast track immigration process to the refugees so that they can join their love ones in Canada by send in additional immigration officers;
b) Table peace talk resolutions to the UN Security Council to determine the future of Tamil under the federal state of Sri Lanka, or a two state alternative;
c) Send in Non-Partisan Fact Finding Mission to visit the refugees, and IDPs and assess their needs; consult with other governments to put pressure to Sri Lanka regime to allow humanitarian aids to IDPs and refugees, and;
d) Form a committee of elected officials from European Union (EU), Canada, and the U.S to listen to the aspirations of Tamil peoples.
Can Stephen Harper help make this injustice against innocent Tamil children, women, and men visible?
© Hüstin Läkü, Sr.
University of Ottawa, Canada
The Kenya elections: when will the AU show leadership?
Since its inception in May 1963, the OAU and its successor, the present-day AU, has not demonstrated any meaningful leadership nor solved a single crisis in Africa. African leaders are known more as dictators than as true leaders seeking to better Africa. Part of the problem of the absence of leadership within the AU is not understanding the concept of 'servant leadership'. Robert Greenleaf explains "the great leader is first experienced as a servant to others", and that this simple fact is central to the leader's greatness.
According to Greenleaf, "a servant leader is one who is a servant first. It begins with the natural feeling that one wants to serve others first, and to make sure that other people's highest priority needs are being served.
"The servant-leader isn't only a good speaker; he is also a good listener as he needs to hear the people's views and feel their pulse to determine the direction of the nation or organisation towards realisation of its goals."
Another primary reason why many African leaders fail to improve the state of their nations and their peoples is a lack of empathy, because "they live outside the people's world". It is very sad that these failures are evident within the AU. It is little wonder that Africa is suffering.
The AU leaders lack commitment to serving the greater consensual interest, to sharing power in decision-making, and encouraging ownership through the participation of African civil society.
They fail to recognise civil society has an important role to play in the achievement of democracy in Africa through, for instance, educating the public in the importance of democracy, fair elections, and good governance whose key components include accountability, legitimacy, democracy, equality, inclusiveness, transparency and rule of law.
African leaders accepted or inherited democracy from colonial masters without understanding the concept behind it. In essence, democracy, as applied in Africa, is tantamount to a 'copy and paste' of western democracy, lacking sensitivity to intrinsic domestic sociological beliefs, values and processes. As a result, these artificial applications of democracy remain vulnerable to the instinctive impulse of tribalism.
Ultimately, the absence of a thorough and systemic blending of fundamental African cultural elements into exercises in democracy in African countries will bear substantial collateral cost to Africa, especially through the highly-emotional election processes. Democracy in Africa is not an overnight event; but a process which requires time.
The lack of leadership within the AU has cost the many electors in Kenya their lives during the past days. Meanwhile, the AU has been slow to take the lead through established mechanisms to resolve the Kenyan elections dispute.
Only after the daunting reality of several hundred deaths in only a few days were envoys, including the current AU chair and president of Ghana, John Kufuor, dispatched to the region.
Kenya's election is a litmus test of peer-accountability and other vaunted mechanisms. Actions and results here bear substantial implications for upcoming elections in Zimbabwe, Angola, South Sudan and other African States.
What should be done regarding Kenya's election? The first step is that the AU should resolve disputes over the election result through the Disputes and Complaints Committee. The results must be reviewed, with all options put on the table including a recount to satisfy stakeholders' confidence in the AU.
Finally, the AU must seriously assess the legitimacy of Mwai Kibaki's claim to the presidency vis-a-vis mounting evidence indicating otherwise. The fact Kibaki had himself sworn in almost immediately after the results were announced is dubious at best.
Against a highly-charged background of electoral impropriety, the Kenya Election Commission (KEC) also falls into question for not allowing the statutory two weeks for complaints and disputes to be filed to insure fairness.
© Hüstin Läkü, Sr.
According to Greenleaf, "a servant leader is one who is a servant first. It begins with the natural feeling that one wants to serve others first, and to make sure that other people's highest priority needs are being served.
"The servant-leader isn't only a good speaker; he is also a good listener as he needs to hear the people's views and feel their pulse to determine the direction of the nation or organisation towards realisation of its goals."
Another primary reason why many African leaders fail to improve the state of their nations and their peoples is a lack of empathy, because "they live outside the people's world". It is very sad that these failures are evident within the AU. It is little wonder that Africa is suffering.
The AU leaders lack commitment to serving the greater consensual interest, to sharing power in decision-making, and encouraging ownership through the participation of African civil society.
They fail to recognise civil society has an important role to play in the achievement of democracy in Africa through, for instance, educating the public in the importance of democracy, fair elections, and good governance whose key components include accountability, legitimacy, democracy, equality, inclusiveness, transparency and rule of law.
African leaders accepted or inherited democracy from colonial masters without understanding the concept behind it. In essence, democracy, as applied in Africa, is tantamount to a 'copy and paste' of western democracy, lacking sensitivity to intrinsic domestic sociological beliefs, values and processes. As a result, these artificial applications of democracy remain vulnerable to the instinctive impulse of tribalism.
Ultimately, the absence of a thorough and systemic blending of fundamental African cultural elements into exercises in democracy in African countries will bear substantial collateral cost to Africa, especially through the highly-emotional election processes. Democracy in Africa is not an overnight event; but a process which requires time.
The lack of leadership within the AU has cost the many electors in Kenya their lives during the past days. Meanwhile, the AU has been slow to take the lead through established mechanisms to resolve the Kenyan elections dispute.
Only after the daunting reality of several hundred deaths in only a few days were envoys, including the current AU chair and president of Ghana, John Kufuor, dispatched to the region.
Kenya's election is a litmus test of peer-accountability and other vaunted mechanisms. Actions and results here bear substantial implications for upcoming elections in Zimbabwe, Angola, South Sudan and other African States.
What should be done regarding Kenya's election? The first step is that the AU should resolve disputes over the election result through the Disputes and Complaints Committee. The results must be reviewed, with all options put on the table including a recount to satisfy stakeholders' confidence in the AU.
Finally, the AU must seriously assess the legitimacy of Mwai Kibaki's claim to the presidency vis-a-vis mounting evidence indicating otherwise. The fact Kibaki had himself sworn in almost immediately after the results were announced is dubious at best.
Against a highly-charged background of electoral impropriety, the Kenya Election Commission (KEC) also falls into question for not allowing the statutory two weeks for complaints and disputes to be filed to insure fairness.
© Hüstin Läkü, Sr.
Ottawa, Canada.
Prize Letter: African Business, Feb, 2008 by Justin Laku
Prize Letter: African Business, Feb, 2008 by Justin Laku
The Myth of the African Solution to Darfur’s Genocide
The failure of the African Union (AU) based on the facts Dr. Kwame Nkrumah underestimated the degree of suspicion, and animosity which his crusading passion had created among a substantial number of his fellow heads of state. Also, too many of African leaders had a vested interest in keeping Africa divided, because most of them had put their interest before the interest of the African nations.
The AU is a comfort club for African dictators where they meet to pat each other on the back, and compare notes on suppressing their citizenry. In order to be relevant today, the AU must change its dubious dealings from a "Dictators’ Only Club" to a people-based organization. The heart of the AU’s impotence is its principle of non-interference, and non-intervention which simply meant that member states turned a blind eye to their neighbours. Thus this explains why the Darfur’s Genocide will continue as long as the AU remains in charge in Darfur.
What is happening in Darfur today is exactly what happened in Rwanda, which left many choking and drowning on their own blood from April to July of 1994. Darfur is Rwanda in slow motion; the only different is the number of death: so far 300,000 people have died in Darfur while 800,000 deaths in Rwanda. This is a hidden holocaust which is unfolding before our very eyes.
The lack of good leadership, governance, clear vision, and high level of corruption in Africa are the problems that have contributed to the poverty, and underdevelopment of the continent. Good governance is the key to development in Africa, and leadership is the most powerful lever to good governance as well as clear vision. The founders of the OAU, and later the AU had bigger vision for Africa, and willing to build a nation of Africa from nothing. Clear vision gives people direction, where they want to be years down the road. Through good leadership, governance, and absent of corruptions, Africa has the potential to be able to move forward, and extricate itself from the cesspool of underdevelopment, and poverty that has plagued, and bedevil the continent since independence.
African dictators are well known for their high level of corruption. They have sticky fingers that have been implicated in the disappearance of public funds, and development money which more often than not ended up in their private accounts in banks overseas. To combat, corruption in Africa it is very important that Western governments pass law that will prohibits transfer of money from Africa to western banks without proper transparency; also the law must forced, and persecute the international banks or bankers who fail to disclose any private accounts from Africa, and specially if the account is related to statesmen. Failure of the Western governments to act means that the West is encouraging, and abetting the endemic corruption in Africa.
The Rwandan Genocide could have been prevented if there was good leadership, governance, and clear vision for Africa. If each member state of the AU had provided the Canadian hero, General Romeo Dallaire, with 50 troops, Gen. Dallaire could have stopped the killers from their genocidal operation. By sending African troops to assist Gen. Dallaire in his mission in Rwanda in 1994, it would have sent a different message to the international community that Africa is now responsible, and in charge of its destiny. This would have lent credence to the AU regarding the offering of uniquely African solutions to African problems. Unfortunately that did not happen from the AU. Therefore; why should the west believe, and trust the corrupted dictators of Africa that they will solve Darfur’s Genocide?
No one African leader or statesman raised their voice against Khartoum’s regime regarding the Genocide in South Sudan, Nuba Mountains, and Darfur. The AU turned a blind eye to the South Sudan’s Genocide; it never gives any consideration at the now defunct the OAU in its many summits. In fact, "T he OAU will not even allow our story South Sudan to be heard in its council," according to General Joseph Lagu, Chairman of Anya Nya I, in 1971. The reason is that most of the AU leaders are involved in corruption, jailing, and suppressing their oppositions such as in Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Eritrea, Chad, Burundi, Liberia, Congo, and overthrowing elected governments in Africa . For example how could Olusegun Obasanjo, the Nigerian president, point fingers at Omer Basher, the Sudanese president, about the situation in Darfur, and label it as genocide that requires UN intervention while giving Charles Taylor, the former Liberian president, safe haven in Nigeria?
Most African countries depend on financial aid, and loans from the West. How can the AU support its troops in Darfur if it can not bankroll its army? In addition to that, the international community is fully aware that the AU lacks experience, training, logistics, and the AU has no history of dealing with crisis. For example to this date, the status of Western Sahara remains unresolved. Furthermore, the crises in Somalia , Ethiopia, Eritrea, Burundi, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone , Chad, Uganda, Angola, and Zimbabwe remain unresolved. Since its inception in May 26th, 1963, the OAU (the forerunner of present-day AU) has not solved one single crisis in Africa. On the contrary, the failure of the international community consist of allowing Darfur’s Genocide to continue by leaving the Right to Protect (R2P) to the weak hands of the AU, which lacks a clear, and strong mandate to fight back, arrest, and detain the janajweed militia, backed up by the Khartoum’s regime, which terrorizes unarmed men, children, rapping innocent women and girls. Which begs the question; Can the weak protect the weak?
African oil is the property of Africans, however, the African leaders view oil money as their personal assets, and most of time they revenues from oil to enrichment themselves often time with the support of foreign companies as well as foreign governments. When it comes to wars in Africa, Western leaders say, "It is Africa’s problems". However, when it comes to exploitations of the African resources, and fuelling the wars in Africa, the West, including Canada, has always maintained its presence in Africa in order to protect its interests. Western greed, therefore, contributes, and fuels the persistent poverty, and underdevelopment in Africa.
Revenues from oil generate billions of dollars. If used wisely, these oil revenues can be used to improve healthcare, education, reduce crime, alleviate poverty, build infrastructures; and it can even be used to fund the AU mission in Darfur. Instead, the West is dishing out more money to the AU which fosters corruption due to a lack of transparency, and accountability. Eventual the war in Africa will be viewed as channels of generating funds to the African dictators’ private accounts. There are some many NGOs worldwide especially in Canada, and US collecting money to support the AU mission in Darfur, but we have not seen any statement from the headquarter of the AU in Addis Ababa detailing how much donations the AU mission have received, and how it was spent.
I believe that time has come for the AU to take responsibility of funding its troops in Darfur since it has the money from the oil or at least pay half of the cost in order to learn how to be responsible, and functionally proactive in preventing wars from happening. The proposed reasoning is that a member state which creates a problem must pay for the cost of the solution. If you get married, you’re responsible to look after your family, not your neighbor, otherwise stays away from marriage business - South Sudanese proverbs. It is unreasonable, and unintelligent for the West to foot the bill for the AU when the continent abounds in oil money.
The West is equally responsible for accepting the myth of African solution to African problems. Africans have to take full responsibility for how they are spending the billions of dollars that their governments are getting from the oil productions. Africans should fund the AU mission in Darfur. On the other hand, the AU, in partnership with the West, must come up with clear future plans, proposed solutions to all wars, crisis, and legal systems to persecute the law breakers (janajweeds) in Africa to bring about solutions to the myriad crises that bedevil the continent.
"The proposed extinction of an entire race should now be considered an override clause to the rule of national sovereignty. Rwanda is over and everybody mourns it comfortably. We ought not to wait until Darfur is over to start saying never again yet again" Mr. Rusesabagina
©Justin Laku
Thursday 14 December 2006
The AU is a comfort club for African dictators where they meet to pat each other on the back, and compare notes on suppressing their citizenry. In order to be relevant today, the AU must change its dubious dealings from a "Dictators’ Only Club" to a people-based organization. The heart of the AU’s impotence is its principle of non-interference, and non-intervention which simply meant that member states turned a blind eye to their neighbours. Thus this explains why the Darfur’s Genocide will continue as long as the AU remains in charge in Darfur.
What is happening in Darfur today is exactly what happened in Rwanda, which left many choking and drowning on their own blood from April to July of 1994. Darfur is Rwanda in slow motion; the only different is the number of death: so far 300,000 people have died in Darfur while 800,000 deaths in Rwanda. This is a hidden holocaust which is unfolding before our very eyes.
The lack of good leadership, governance, clear vision, and high level of corruption in Africa are the problems that have contributed to the poverty, and underdevelopment of the continent. Good governance is the key to development in Africa, and leadership is the most powerful lever to good governance as well as clear vision. The founders of the OAU, and later the AU had bigger vision for Africa, and willing to build a nation of Africa from nothing. Clear vision gives people direction, where they want to be years down the road. Through good leadership, governance, and absent of corruptions, Africa has the potential to be able to move forward, and extricate itself from the cesspool of underdevelopment, and poverty that has plagued, and bedevil the continent since independence.
African dictators are well known for their high level of corruption. They have sticky fingers that have been implicated in the disappearance of public funds, and development money which more often than not ended up in their private accounts in banks overseas. To combat, corruption in Africa it is very important that Western governments pass law that will prohibits transfer of money from Africa to western banks without proper transparency; also the law must forced, and persecute the international banks or bankers who fail to disclose any private accounts from Africa, and specially if the account is related to statesmen. Failure of the Western governments to act means that the West is encouraging, and abetting the endemic corruption in Africa.
The Rwandan Genocide could have been prevented if there was good leadership, governance, and clear vision for Africa. If each member state of the AU had provided the Canadian hero, General Romeo Dallaire, with 50 troops, Gen. Dallaire could have stopped the killers from their genocidal operation. By sending African troops to assist Gen. Dallaire in his mission in Rwanda in 1994, it would have sent a different message to the international community that Africa is now responsible, and in charge of its destiny. This would have lent credence to the AU regarding the offering of uniquely African solutions to African problems. Unfortunately that did not happen from the AU. Therefore; why should the west believe, and trust the corrupted dictators of Africa that they will solve Darfur’s Genocide?
No one African leader or statesman raised their voice against Khartoum’s regime regarding the Genocide in South Sudan, Nuba Mountains, and Darfur. The AU turned a blind eye to the South Sudan’s Genocide; it never gives any consideration at the now defunct the OAU in its many summits. In fact, "T he OAU will not even allow our story South Sudan to be heard in its council," according to General Joseph Lagu, Chairman of Anya Nya I, in 1971. The reason is that most of the AU leaders are involved in corruption, jailing, and suppressing their oppositions such as in Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Eritrea, Chad, Burundi, Liberia, Congo, and overthrowing elected governments in Africa . For example how could Olusegun Obasanjo, the Nigerian president, point fingers at Omer Basher, the Sudanese president, about the situation in Darfur, and label it as genocide that requires UN intervention while giving Charles Taylor, the former Liberian president, safe haven in Nigeria?
Most African countries depend on financial aid, and loans from the West. How can the AU support its troops in Darfur if it can not bankroll its army? In addition to that, the international community is fully aware that the AU lacks experience, training, logistics, and the AU has no history of dealing with crisis. For example to this date, the status of Western Sahara remains unresolved. Furthermore, the crises in Somalia , Ethiopia, Eritrea, Burundi, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone , Chad, Uganda, Angola, and Zimbabwe remain unresolved. Since its inception in May 26th, 1963, the OAU (the forerunner of present-day AU) has not solved one single crisis in Africa. On the contrary, the failure of the international community consist of allowing Darfur’s Genocide to continue by leaving the Right to Protect (R2P) to the weak hands of the AU, which lacks a clear, and strong mandate to fight back, arrest, and detain the janajweed militia, backed up by the Khartoum’s regime, which terrorizes unarmed men, children, rapping innocent women and girls. Which begs the question; Can the weak protect the weak?
African oil is the property of Africans, however, the African leaders view oil money as their personal assets, and most of time they revenues from oil to enrichment themselves often time with the support of foreign companies as well as foreign governments. When it comes to wars in Africa, Western leaders say, "It is Africa’s problems". However, when it comes to exploitations of the African resources, and fuelling the wars in Africa, the West, including Canada, has always maintained its presence in Africa in order to protect its interests. Western greed, therefore, contributes, and fuels the persistent poverty, and underdevelopment in Africa.
Revenues from oil generate billions of dollars. If used wisely, these oil revenues can be used to improve healthcare, education, reduce crime, alleviate poverty, build infrastructures; and it can even be used to fund the AU mission in Darfur. Instead, the West is dishing out more money to the AU which fosters corruption due to a lack of transparency, and accountability. Eventual the war in Africa will be viewed as channels of generating funds to the African dictators’ private accounts. There are some many NGOs worldwide especially in Canada, and US collecting money to support the AU mission in Darfur, but we have not seen any statement from the headquarter of the AU in Addis Ababa detailing how much donations the AU mission have received, and how it was spent.
I believe that time has come for the AU to take responsibility of funding its troops in Darfur since it has the money from the oil or at least pay half of the cost in order to learn how to be responsible, and functionally proactive in preventing wars from happening. The proposed reasoning is that a member state which creates a problem must pay for the cost of the solution. If you get married, you’re responsible to look after your family, not your neighbor, otherwise stays away from marriage business - South Sudanese proverbs. It is unreasonable, and unintelligent for the West to foot the bill for the AU when the continent abounds in oil money.
The West is equally responsible for accepting the myth of African solution to African problems. Africans have to take full responsibility for how they are spending the billions of dollars that their governments are getting from the oil productions. Africans should fund the AU mission in Darfur. On the other hand, the AU, in partnership with the West, must come up with clear future plans, proposed solutions to all wars, crisis, and legal systems to persecute the law breakers (janajweeds) in Africa to bring about solutions to the myriad crises that bedevil the continent.
"The proposed extinction of an entire race should now be considered an override clause to the rule of national sovereignty. Rwanda is over and everybody mourns it comfortably. We ought not to wait until Darfur is over to start saying never again yet again" Mr. Rusesabagina
©Justin Laku
Thursday 14 December 2006
Will the Peace Hold in Southern Sudan after the passing of Dr. John Garang?, Oct 25th, 2005
Will the Peace Hold in Southern Sudan after the passing of Dr. John Garang?
The roots of the conflict in the Sudan goes back to the early 19th century, several decades before the advent of the Western colonialism in the Sudan; which makes it one the longest wars in the world after the Israeli- Palestine war.
Also, the war in the Southern Sudan, between the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Islamic fundamentalism (NIF) in Khartoum is among Africa’s oldest and deadliest conflicts and largest in the region. More then 3 million were killed, achieving a death toll over twenty times higher than Darfur’s do date.
The NIF viewed the CPA as an opportunity to direct the international community’s attention away from their ongoing genocide in Darfur. While they have made some cosmetic changes, the NIF hasn’t fulfilled their core obligations to the CPA and don’t appear any more committed to this peace agreement than to any of the other treaties they’ve signed. In fact the NIF has put enormous obstacles in place to prevent progress on the CPA. It seems clear the NIF has no intention of sharing either power or oil revenue with the SPLA.
On the one hand it is impossible for the SPLA or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGDA) to know if the NIF is sharing oil revenues according to the dictates of the CPA because the NIF won’t disclose what the total revenues are. It is also likely that the NIF will use oil money to manipulate voting in the upcoming referendum on separation, which will take place in six years time.
The NIF’s continued support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda is another problem calling the success of the CPA into question. How could the LRA cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistical support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to the population in Juba and most of the Arab trades are not happy that food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
As know you the recent attacked on the convey in early September between Juba and Yei, the NIF is behind it. How could (LRA) cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistic support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to Juba population and most of the Arab trades are not happy that the food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
The United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), could have prevented the recent attack in Yei-Juba road, but the 700 UNMIS peacekeeping troops are based only in Juba unarmed and mostly allied with Khartoum’s regimes and who have large investments in the Sudanese oil sector. Most of the UNMIS peacekeeping troops from Australia, Russia and other European countries are enjoying themselves in Khartoum’s expensive hotels playing cards and smoking cigars instead of patrolling the North / South border.
Besides this, the mandate of United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) is very weak. They have no power to arrest treaty violators, detain suspects or fight back. This is a repeat of the situation in Darfur and if such attacks continue UNMIS will be as impotent as the AU in that region.
Furthermore, the NIF has not disclosed the number of troops it still has in Southern Sudan to the UNMIS, either in Juba or other part of Southern Sudan.
Added to this hostile elements are the 500,000 Janjaweed with their horses, women and children that the NIF relocated from Darfur to Rokon County, about 60 miles south west of Juba. Their presence tends to indicate that the NIF intends to unleash a campaign of atrocities on Rokon County similar to the one they have in Darfur.
Another tactic the NIF is using to destabilize South Sudan is the transfer of large numbers of Egyptian Arabs to that region. This is in keeping with their policy of Arabizing Sudan and the implementation of this policy is what leads to the violence in Darfur.
The NIF encourages immigration from Egypt by offering these migrants the following rights: freedom of entry to Sudan without visas; residence permits are provided free of cost; freedom of movement within the whole of Sudan; the ability to own land upon arrival; the right to vote as soon as they settle in Sudan.
All of this is going on while tens of thousands of Sudanese languish in Egypt in deplorable conditions with none of the aforementioned privileges. Nineteen thousand are registered with the UNHCR, but there are many more Sudanese stranded in Egypt, unable to return to Sudan.
The strategy is obvious; the Arabs are being relocated in the south while African Southerners are being kept from returning in an attempt to shift the demographic to favour Khartoum when the vote for independence comes in 2011.
The abuse of South Sudanese is not restricted to Egypt. There are countless Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in Khartoum or in the IDP camps around it such as Hagi Yousif , Kalakata and Al-Sal’ama Camp in Jebel.
Since the death of Garang the dumping of five to ten bodies of South Sudanese has become a daily occurrence. Those who had managed to scrape together enough to escape the IDP camps and eke out a living in Khartoum are being driven from their homes once again by landlords who are increasing rents by as much as 100%. Whole families are being driven back into the camps straining what resources are available there.
In another effort to keep Southerners from returning home the NIF has increased air fare from Khartoum to Juba from $100, to $200.
These are just a few of the tactics implemented by the NIF to insure the CPA fails. It is up to the international community to monitor these violations and, more importantly, insure there are very real and very negative consequences for such abuse. Only through this type of foreign intervention will the NIF be made to respect their obligations under the CPA and implement it fully without delay.
©Justin Laku
Oct 25th, 2005
The roots of the conflict in the Sudan goes back to the early 19th century, several decades before the advent of the Western colonialism in the Sudan; which makes it one the longest wars in the world after the Israeli- Palestine war.
Also, the war in the Southern Sudan, between the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Islamic fundamentalism (NIF) in Khartoum is among Africa’s oldest and deadliest conflicts and largest in the region. More then 3 million were killed, achieving a death toll over twenty times higher than Darfur’s do date.
The NIF viewed the CPA as an opportunity to direct the international community’s attention away from their ongoing genocide in Darfur. While they have made some cosmetic changes, the NIF hasn’t fulfilled their core obligations to the CPA and don’t appear any more committed to this peace agreement than to any of the other treaties they’ve signed. In fact the NIF has put enormous obstacles in place to prevent progress on the CPA. It seems clear the NIF has no intention of sharing either power or oil revenue with the SPLA.
On the one hand it is impossible for the SPLA or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGDA) to know if the NIF is sharing oil revenues according to the dictates of the CPA because the NIF won’t disclose what the total revenues are. It is also likely that the NIF will use oil money to manipulate voting in the upcoming referendum on separation, which will take place in six years time.
The NIF’s continued support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda is another problem calling the success of the CPA into question. How could the LRA cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistical support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to the population in Juba and most of the Arab trades are not happy that food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
As know you the recent attacked on the convey in early September between Juba and Yei, the NIF is behind it. How could (LRA) cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistic support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to Juba population and most of the Arab trades are not happy that the food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
The United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), could have prevented the recent attack in Yei-Juba road, but the 700 UNMIS peacekeeping troops are based only in Juba unarmed and mostly allied with Khartoum’s regimes and who have large investments in the Sudanese oil sector. Most of the UNMIS peacekeeping troops from Australia, Russia and other European countries are enjoying themselves in Khartoum’s expensive hotels playing cards and smoking cigars instead of patrolling the North / South border.
Besides this, the mandate of United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) is very weak. They have no power to arrest treaty violators, detain suspects or fight back. This is a repeat of the situation in Darfur and if such attacks continue UNMIS will be as impotent as the AU in that region.
Furthermore, the NIF has not disclosed the number of troops it still has in Southern Sudan to the UNMIS, either in Juba or other part of Southern Sudan.
Added to this hostile elements are the 500,000 Janjaweed with their horses, women and children that the NIF relocated from Darfur to Rokon County, about 60 miles south west of Juba. Their presence tends to indicate that the NIF intends to unleash a campaign of atrocities on Rokon County similar to the one they have in Darfur.
Another tactic the NIF is using to destabilize South Sudan is the transfer of large numbers of Egyptian Arabs to that region. This is in keeping with their policy of Arabizing Sudan and the implementation of this policy is what leads to the violence in Darfur.
The NIF encourages immigration from Egypt by offering these migrants the following rights: freedom of entry to Sudan without visas; residence permits are provided free of cost; freedom of movement within the whole of Sudan; the ability to own land upon arrival; the right to vote as soon as they settle in Sudan.
All of this is going on while tens of thousands of Sudanese languish in Egypt in deplorable conditions with none of the aforementioned privileges. Nineteen thousand are registered with the UNHCR, but there are many more Sudanese stranded in Egypt, unable to return to Sudan.
The strategy is obvious; the Arabs are being relocated in the south while African Southerners are being kept from returning in an attempt to shift the demographic to favour Khartoum when the vote for independence comes in 2011.
The abuse of South Sudanese is not restricted to Egypt. There are countless Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in Khartoum or in the IDP camps around it such as Hagi Yousif , Kalakata and Al-Sal’ama Camp in Jebel.
Since the death of Garang the dumping of five to ten bodies of South Sudanese has become a daily occurrence. Those who had managed to scrape together enough to escape the IDP camps and eke out a living in Khartoum are being driven from their homes once again by landlords who are increasing rents by as much as 100%. Whole families are being driven back into the camps straining what resources are available there.
In another effort to keep Southerners from returning home the NIF has increased air fare from Khartoum to Juba from $100, to $200.
These are just a few of the tactics implemented by the NIF to insure the CPA fails. It is up to the international community to monitor these violations and, more importantly, insure there are very real and very negative consequences for such abuse. Only through this type of foreign intervention will the NIF be made to respect their obligations under the CPA and implement it fully without delay.
©Justin Laku
Oct 25th, 2005
Can the Weak Protect the Weak?
During my first trip to Darfur in April 2005, I visited three Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) Camps, ZamZam, Tuwela and Abu-Shuko. On Sept. 24 I returned to Abu-Shuko. The situation hasn't changed much. Living condition have not improved, and there has only been a slight increase in food distribution. The population has increased from 230,000 to 270,000 IDPs due to the insecurity around Al-Fasher. This is especially true in the Tuwela camp, where fighting has occurred between rebels SLA/M and government forces.
I did not travel to Tuwela this time, because of the military activities around Tuwela camps. Most of the IDPs are fleeing the Tuwela region to nearby towns.
Due to insecurity and logistical problems there are parts of Darfur that NGOs and the UNHCR cannot reach. The situation around Jebel Al-Mara is particularly bad and the IDPs there cannot be reached by outside agencies. Ironically, even with the worsening situation, the IDPs in Abu-Shuko may be better off than those who are in Jebel Al-Mara.
The increasing violence is keeping IDPs from returning home and making them completely dependant on foreign aid. Those who do try to return to their villages to tend to crops are attacked and killed or driven back to the camps.
Despite the fact that Abu-Shuko is supposed to be under the control of African Union forces (whose mandate prevents them from carrying weapons) there were no AU troops on the ground when I visited this camp.
In a terrifying example of foxes guarding the chicken coop, the Sudanese soldiers who have, in many well-documented cases, openly supported the atrocities committed by the janjaweed control the camp's main entrance. [...]
[On] Sept 24, 2005, a bus traveling from Al-Fasher, via Zam Zam, to Nyiala City was attacked. One person was killed and seven other were injured. I went to the hospital to witness the wounded for myself. This incident could have been prevented if the AU troops had been armed. All AU troops in Darfur are without guns, and they patrol the areas unarmed. "It is [ridiculous] to patrol without guns," an Egyptian police officer told me.
If this insecurity continues, the international community and NGOs will not be able to provide the assistance that is so desperately needed by hundreds of thousands of people in the Darfur region. This is a direct result of the extremely weak mandate of the AU, the continual refusal by African leaders to request international support from the international community, and the absence of intervention by the UN and NATO. [...]
Without a change in the AU mandate, the IDPs will not feel safe and the Janjaweed will continue to attack, rape and kill civilians as long as the AU soldiers remain unarmed. The mandate to fight back, arrest and detain must be applied as soon as possible in order to save lives of innocent men, women and children in the Darfur region.
In addition, the living conditions of the AU troops on the ground are very poor: there are no sports facilities; the stress level is very high; there is a lack of clinical psychologists; no air conditioning; salaries are not paid on time; and the food is low in required nutrients. All these factors will not assist AU troops in carrying out duties in an effective and timely manner.
Two AU soldiers died of HIV/AIDS, so there is also need for medical check ups for AU soldiers before their deployment to Darfur. The only two countries that give HIV/AIDS tests to their troops are South Africa and Canada. (Currently, there are two Canadian logistical officers in Darfur assisting the AU). The danger is that HIV/AIDS will spread in Darfur because of the contact with AU troops, and could lead to a serious health problem.
©Justin Laku
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan
Ottawa, ON
October 12, 2005
I did not travel to Tuwela this time, because of the military activities around Tuwela camps. Most of the IDPs are fleeing the Tuwela region to nearby towns.
Due to insecurity and logistical problems there are parts of Darfur that NGOs and the UNHCR cannot reach. The situation around Jebel Al-Mara is particularly bad and the IDPs there cannot be reached by outside agencies. Ironically, even with the worsening situation, the IDPs in Abu-Shuko may be better off than those who are in Jebel Al-Mara.
The increasing violence is keeping IDPs from returning home and making them completely dependant on foreign aid. Those who do try to return to their villages to tend to crops are attacked and killed or driven back to the camps.
Despite the fact that Abu-Shuko is supposed to be under the control of African Union forces (whose mandate prevents them from carrying weapons) there were no AU troops on the ground when I visited this camp.
In a terrifying example of foxes guarding the chicken coop, the Sudanese soldiers who have, in many well-documented cases, openly supported the atrocities committed by the janjaweed control the camp's main entrance. [...]
[On] Sept 24, 2005, a bus traveling from Al-Fasher, via Zam Zam, to Nyiala City was attacked. One person was killed and seven other were injured. I went to the hospital to witness the wounded for myself. This incident could have been prevented if the AU troops had been armed. All AU troops in Darfur are without guns, and they patrol the areas unarmed. "It is [ridiculous] to patrol without guns," an Egyptian police officer told me.
If this insecurity continues, the international community and NGOs will not be able to provide the assistance that is so desperately needed by hundreds of thousands of people in the Darfur region. This is a direct result of the extremely weak mandate of the AU, the continual refusal by African leaders to request international support from the international community, and the absence of intervention by the UN and NATO. [...]
Without a change in the AU mandate, the IDPs will not feel safe and the Janjaweed will continue to attack, rape and kill civilians as long as the AU soldiers remain unarmed. The mandate to fight back, arrest and detain must be applied as soon as possible in order to save lives of innocent men, women and children in the Darfur region.
In addition, the living conditions of the AU troops on the ground are very poor: there are no sports facilities; the stress level is very high; there is a lack of clinical psychologists; no air conditioning; salaries are not paid on time; and the food is low in required nutrients. All these factors will not assist AU troops in carrying out duties in an effective and timely manner.
Two AU soldiers died of HIV/AIDS, so there is also need for medical check ups for AU soldiers before their deployment to Darfur. The only two countries that give HIV/AIDS tests to their troops are South Africa and Canada. (Currently, there are two Canadian logistical officers in Darfur assisting the AU). The danger is that HIV/AIDS will spread in Darfur because of the contact with AU troops, and could lead to a serious health problem.
©Justin Laku
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan
Ottawa, ON
October 12, 2005
Afro-Canadian MPs and african diplomats have a disappointing record on Darfur
Aug 24, 2005 (Ottawa) — If the Afro-Canadian Members of Parliament do not care about the genocide in Darfur, why should the Canadian government care about Darfur? Canada sent 1,400 troops to Bosnia because Canadians of European decent play a big role in Canadian government and politics today. Today, Africans do have a voice in Canada’s Parliament, but most have chosen to be quiet on issues affecting Africa. Bloc Quebecois MP Maka Kotto, a Canadian-African of Cameroonian decent, has chosen to keep quiet instead of supporting Independent MP David Kilgour in the fight against the genocide in Darfur, in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia.
Why is Maka Kotto so silent on Africans’ problems? Why are Senator Donald Oliver, MPs Jean Augustine, Hedy Fry, Marlene Jennings, Rahim Jaffer and Deepak Obhrai silent in the issue of Darfur? Thanks to Gurmant Grewal and Bhupinder S. Liddar for their continued support of Africans: you are true sons of Africa, may God bless you. It is a shame on our African MPs.
Additionally and most important is the silence of the African diplomatic corps (with exception of some embassies). I think when Europeans come to Africa as diplomats they are very vocal in the press in the countryside, with the people, but our OWN African diplomats as a unit are very silent except for photo opportunities during Independence Day celebrations and parties; leaving their children in Canada when their term has ended. Therefore, I’d like to see the Dean and the African Heads of Missions in Canada form a coalition to ensure that the government of Canada plays its part in peacekeeping in Darfur and to push their weight collectively to answer all of Africa’s concerns.
In 2003, I wrote a letter to Jean Augustine in reference to rape victims in the Sudan and asking how she could assist. I received no formal reply from her office until now. How many times has Ms. Augustine written to the prime minister about the suffering women of Darfur? Not a single letter, that I know of. Last May I wrote an open letter to all MPs regarding genocide in Darfur. I received no responses from any of the Afro-Canadian MPs. So why should the world care about Africans and the Caribbean if black senators and MPs are not concerned about Africa?
It’s too early to know how much the newly appointed governor general will do for the victims of the rape in Darfur, peace in the South Sudan, genocide in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia. I do hope she will not turn her back on Africa and Caribbean. Can she make injustice visible?
©Justin Laku,
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan
Why is Maka Kotto so silent on Africans’ problems? Why are Senator Donald Oliver, MPs Jean Augustine, Hedy Fry, Marlene Jennings, Rahim Jaffer and Deepak Obhrai silent in the issue of Darfur? Thanks to Gurmant Grewal and Bhupinder S. Liddar for their continued support of Africans: you are true sons of Africa, may God bless you. It is a shame on our African MPs.
Additionally and most important is the silence of the African diplomatic corps (with exception of some embassies). I think when Europeans come to Africa as diplomats they are very vocal in the press in the countryside, with the people, but our OWN African diplomats as a unit are very silent except for photo opportunities during Independence Day celebrations and parties; leaving their children in Canada when their term has ended. Therefore, I’d like to see the Dean and the African Heads of Missions in Canada form a coalition to ensure that the government of Canada plays its part in peacekeeping in Darfur and to push their weight collectively to answer all of Africa’s concerns.
In 2003, I wrote a letter to Jean Augustine in reference to rape victims in the Sudan and asking how she could assist. I received no formal reply from her office until now. How many times has Ms. Augustine written to the prime minister about the suffering women of Darfur? Not a single letter, that I know of. Last May I wrote an open letter to all MPs regarding genocide in Darfur. I received no responses from any of the Afro-Canadian MPs. So why should the world care about Africans and the Caribbean if black senators and MPs are not concerned about Africa?
It’s too early to know how much the newly appointed governor general will do for the victims of the rape in Darfur, peace in the South Sudan, genocide in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia. I do hope she will not turn her back on Africa and Caribbean. Can she make injustice visible?
©Justin Laku,
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan
Thursday, November 18, 2010
The Politics and Practices of the Common Enemy of the South Sudan
The situation of "a common enemy" for the people of the Equatoria state in South Sudan reminds me of a story I first read in the book Politics of Self-Reliance in Africa. The story is titled "the Gentleman of the Jungle". You may already know the story very well. I will, however, briefly recite it for the benefit of those who have not heard it before or just to refresh your memory:
According to this story, the Gentleman of the Jungle is the lion. One day a man is seated, relaxing inside his house. The lion says to the man "it is so cold outside here, can I just let my head in the house." Of course, the man allows first, the lion's head into the house, followed by the shoulder, and then front legs. When the lion completely inside, it says to the man "there is not enough room for you and me in the house, get out!" The man who owns the house is thrown out and the lion takes over the house. This story is interesting because it is the lion who now determines the fate of the house once inside rather than the man who built.
The story of the man and the lion is exactly what is happening to the indigenous people of the Equatoria state of south Sudan. During the war the regime of Khartoum soldiers forced the Southern Sudanese to vacate their lands and flee into other regions, urban centres or to the neighbouring countries as refugees as well as internal displaced persons (IDP). As the war was initially dominated by the Dinka, they were the first to be displaced from their regions, and they moved south to the Equatoria state, displacing the Equatorians who were forced to flee to the urban centres or to the neighbouring countries.
In the process of settling the villages vacated, both the Arabs renamed equatorial's cities they occupied and the Dinka's also renamed these places using their own names.
The problem with this issue is that it may become very divisive for southern Sudanese. Instead of a "common enemy" for the southern Sudan, the Dinka and the Khartoum regime have become the common enemy for the Equatorians. It is obvious that the Dinka renamed the villages using their own names because they felt these reminded them of their old villages they left behind. This is not difficult to comprehend since the feeling of "home" is very important as the homestead is a person's base. Unfortunately, what the Dinka and those who are following the Khartoum regime are doing is that they are not only alienating the Equatorians from their total environment, but also sowing seeds of discord among the people of south Sudan. For example, Juba is the base, and homestead for Equatorians, and their way of life. Now, they are being forced out of this city where they have attachment for economic, political, cultural, and religious reasons for ages.
The Khartoum regime did not bring armies from north of Sudan, but recruited the soldiers from the local population as a result of the divisions that exist among the Southern Sudanese. The Khartoum regime has helped set community against community, state against state, and clan against clan. Instead of uniting and focusing on one common southern Sudan enemy, the Dinka have helped empower the Khartoum regime over all the spheres of the local community. In other words, the Khartoum regime is now using Southerners to oppress themselves.
In my view, one of the most serious results of Khartoum regime and its followers within SPLA/M was to alienate Equatorians from political power and their cultural environments. You can see that all the ministers, ambassadors and high ranking officials of the government of South Sudan (GOSS) are mainly from one tribe or one state, in other word there is no equal representation of all the Southerners in the GOSS.
To alienate Equatorians from their political and cultural way is to deprive them from their power base. Alienation from one's environment brings the disease that be could call "not knowing oneself"
In my view as Equatorians, we should not hide our heads in the sand like an ostrich and pretend that there is no problem or that we can solve the problems of the 150,000 Dinkas in Yei by importing other tribes from their base, and homestead, and settle them in Equatorial State (Yei city). We should address this problem head-on. It was the Equatorians who fought back one year ago when Dr. John Garang was killed in a plane crash. The whole world witnessed the burning of northerners' shops in Juba, but not in Malakal, and Wau. Equatorians should think twice why Juba is to be the capital of the South Sudan government or otherwise Equatorians will become victims of CPA? Also, the lack of leadership in Equatorial is number one problem in Equatorial State; some one must stand up against and make the injustice visible.
By Justin Laku ©
According to this story, the Gentleman of the Jungle is the lion. One day a man is seated, relaxing inside his house. The lion says to the man "it is so cold outside here, can I just let my head in the house." Of course, the man allows first, the lion's head into the house, followed by the shoulder, and then front legs. When the lion completely inside, it says to the man "there is not enough room for you and me in the house, get out!" The man who owns the house is thrown out and the lion takes over the house. This story is interesting because it is the lion who now determines the fate of the house once inside rather than the man who built.
The story of the man and the lion is exactly what is happening to the indigenous people of the Equatoria state of south Sudan. During the war the regime of Khartoum soldiers forced the Southern Sudanese to vacate their lands and flee into other regions, urban centres or to the neighbouring countries as refugees as well as internal displaced persons (IDP). As the war was initially dominated by the Dinka, they were the first to be displaced from their regions, and they moved south to the Equatoria state, displacing the Equatorians who were forced to flee to the urban centres or to the neighbouring countries.
In the process of settling the villages vacated, both the Arabs renamed equatorial's cities they occupied and the Dinka's also renamed these places using their own names.
The problem with this issue is that it may become very divisive for southern Sudanese. Instead of a "common enemy" for the southern Sudan, the Dinka and the Khartoum regime have become the common enemy for the Equatorians. It is obvious that the Dinka renamed the villages using their own names because they felt these reminded them of their old villages they left behind. This is not difficult to comprehend since the feeling of "home" is very important as the homestead is a person's base. Unfortunately, what the Dinka and those who are following the Khartoum regime are doing is that they are not only alienating the Equatorians from their total environment, but also sowing seeds of discord among the people of south Sudan. For example, Juba is the base, and homestead for Equatorians, and their way of life. Now, they are being forced out of this city where they have attachment for economic, political, cultural, and religious reasons for ages.
The Khartoum regime did not bring armies from north of Sudan, but recruited the soldiers from the local population as a result of the divisions that exist among the Southern Sudanese. The Khartoum regime has helped set community against community, state against state, and clan against clan. Instead of uniting and focusing on one common southern Sudan enemy, the Dinka have helped empower the Khartoum regime over all the spheres of the local community. In other words, the Khartoum regime is now using Southerners to oppress themselves.
In my view, one of the most serious results of Khartoum regime and its followers within SPLA/M was to alienate Equatorians from political power and their cultural environments. You can see that all the ministers, ambassadors and high ranking officials of the government of South Sudan (GOSS) are mainly from one tribe or one state, in other word there is no equal representation of all the Southerners in the GOSS.
To alienate Equatorians from their political and cultural way is to deprive them from their power base. Alienation from one's environment brings the disease that be could call "not knowing oneself"
In my view as Equatorians, we should not hide our heads in the sand like an ostrich and pretend that there is no problem or that we can solve the problems of the 150,000 Dinkas in Yei by importing other tribes from their base, and homestead, and settle them in Equatorial State (Yei city). We should address this problem head-on. It was the Equatorians who fought back one year ago when Dr. John Garang was killed in a plane crash. The whole world witnessed the burning of northerners' shops in Juba, but not in Malakal, and Wau. Equatorians should think twice why Juba is to be the capital of the South Sudan government or otherwise Equatorians will become victims of CPA? Also, the lack of leadership in Equatorial is number one problem in Equatorial State; some one must stand up against and make the injustice visible.
By Justin Laku ©
Will the Peace Hold in Southern Sudan after the passing of Dr. John Garang?
The roots of the conflict in the Sudan goes back to the early 19th century, several decades before the advent of the Western colonialism in the Sudan; which makes it one the longest wars in the world after the Israeli- Palestine war.
Also, the war in the Southern Sudan, between the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Islamic fundamentalism (NIF) in Khartoum is among Africa’s oldest and deadliest conflicts and largest in the region. More then 3 million were killed, achieving a death toll over twenty times higher than Darfur’s do date.
The NIF viewed the CPA as an opportunity to direct the international community’s attention away from their ongoing genocide in Darfur. While they have made some cosmetic changes, the NIF hasn’t fulfilled their core obligations to the CPA and don’t appear any more committed to this peace agreement than to any of the other treaties they’ve signed. In fact the NIF has put enormous obstacles in place to prevent progress on the CPA. It seems clear the NIF has no intention of sharing either power or oil revenue with the SPLA.
On the one hand it is impossible for the SPLA or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGDA) to know if the NIF is sharing oil revenues according to the dictates of the CPA because the NIF won’t disclose what the total revenues are. It is also likely that the NIF will use oil money to manipulate voting in the upcoming referendum on separation, which will take place in six years time.
The NIF’s continued support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda is another problem calling the success of the CPA into question. How could the LRA cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistical support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to the population in Juba and most of the Arab trades are not happy that food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
As know you the recent attacked on the convey in early September between Juba and Yei, the NIF is behind it. How could (LRA) cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistic support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to Juba population and most of the Arab trades are not happy that the food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
The United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), could have prevented the recent attack in Yei-Juba road, but the 700 UNMIS peacekeeping troops are based only in Juba unarmed and mostly allied with Khartoum’s regimes and who have large investments in the Sudanese oil sector. Most of the UNMIS peacekeeping troops from Australia, Russia and other European countries are enjoying themselves in Khartoum’s expensive hotels playing cards and smoking cigars instead of patrolling the North / South border.
Besides this, the mandate of United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) is very weak. They have no power to arrest treaty violators, detain suspects or fight back. This is a repeat of the situation in Darfur and if such attacks continue UNMIS will be as impotent as the AU in that region.
Furthermore, the NIF has not disclosed the number of troops it still has in Southern Sudan to the UNMIS, either in Juba or other part of Southern Sudan.
Added to this hostile elements are the 500,000 Janjaweed with their horses, women and children that the NIF relocated from Darfur to Rokon County, about 60 miles south west of Juba. Their presence tends to indicate that the NIF intends to unleash a campaign of atrocities on Rokon County similar to the one they have in Darfur.
Another tactic the NIF is using to destabilize South Sudan is the transfer of large numbers of Egyptian Arabs to that region. This is in keeping with their policy of Arabizing Sudan and the implementation of this policy is what leads to the violence in Darfur.
The NIF encourages immigration from Egypt by offering these migrants the following rights: freedom of entry to Sudan without visas; residence permits are provided free of cost; freedom of movement within the whole of Sudan; the ability to own land upon arrival; the right to vote as soon as they settle in Sudan.
All of this is going on while tens of thousands of Sudanese languish in Egypt in deplorable conditions with none of the aforementioned privileges. Nineteen thousand are registered with the UNHCR, but there are many more Sudanese stranded in Egypt, unable to return to Sudan.
The strategy is obvious; the Arabs are being relocated in the south while African Southerners are being kept from returning in an attempt to shift the demographic to favour Khartoum when the vote for independence comes in 2011.
The abuse of South Sudanese is not restricted to Egypt. There are countless Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in Khartoum or in the IDP camps around it such as Hagi Yousif , Kalakata and Al-Sal’ama Camp in Jebel.
Since the death of Garang the dumping of five to ten bodies of South Sudanese has become a daily occurrence. Those who had managed to scrape together enough to escape the IDP camps and eke out a living in Khartoum are being driven from their homes once again by landlords who are increasing rents by as much as 100%. Whole families are being driven back into the camps straining what resources are available there.
In another effort to keep Southerners from returning home the NIF has increased air fare from Khartoum to Juba from $100, to $200.
These are just a few of the tactics implemented by the NIF to insure the CPA fails. It is up to the international community to monitor these violations and, more importantly, insure there are very real and very negative consequences for such abuse. Only through this type of foreign intervention will the NIF be made to respect their obligations under the CPA and implement it fully without delay.
By Justin Laku©
Also, the war in the Southern Sudan, between the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Islamic fundamentalism (NIF) in Khartoum is among Africa’s oldest and deadliest conflicts and largest in the region. More then 3 million were killed, achieving a death toll over twenty times higher than Darfur’s do date.
The NIF viewed the CPA as an opportunity to direct the international community’s attention away from their ongoing genocide in Darfur. While they have made some cosmetic changes, the NIF hasn’t fulfilled their core obligations to the CPA and don’t appear any more committed to this peace agreement than to any of the other treaties they’ve signed. In fact the NIF has put enormous obstacles in place to prevent progress on the CPA. It seems clear the NIF has no intention of sharing either power or oil revenue with the SPLA.
On the one hand it is impossible for the SPLA or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGDA) to know if the NIF is sharing oil revenues according to the dictates of the CPA because the NIF won’t disclose what the total revenues are. It is also likely that the NIF will use oil money to manipulate voting in the upcoming referendum on separation, which will take place in six years time.
The NIF’s continued support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda is another problem calling the success of the CPA into question. How could the LRA cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistical support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to the population in Juba and most of the Arab trades are not happy that food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
As know you the recent attacked on the convey in early September between Juba and Yei, the NIF is behind it. How could (LRA) cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistic support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to Juba population and most of the Arab trades are not happy that the food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
The United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), could have prevented the recent attack in Yei-Juba road, but the 700 UNMIS peacekeeping troops are based only in Juba unarmed and mostly allied with Khartoum’s regimes and who have large investments in the Sudanese oil sector. Most of the UNMIS peacekeeping troops from Australia, Russia and other European countries are enjoying themselves in Khartoum’s expensive hotels playing cards and smoking cigars instead of patrolling the North / South border.
Besides this, the mandate of United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) is very weak. They have no power to arrest treaty violators, detain suspects or fight back. This is a repeat of the situation in Darfur and if such attacks continue UNMIS will be as impotent as the AU in that region.
Furthermore, the NIF has not disclosed the number of troops it still has in Southern Sudan to the UNMIS, either in Juba or other part of Southern Sudan.
Added to this hostile elements are the 500,000 Janjaweed with their horses, women and children that the NIF relocated from Darfur to Rokon County, about 60 miles south west of Juba. Their presence tends to indicate that the NIF intends to unleash a campaign of atrocities on Rokon County similar to the one they have in Darfur.
Another tactic the NIF is using to destabilize South Sudan is the transfer of large numbers of Egyptian Arabs to that region. This is in keeping with their policy of Arabizing Sudan and the implementation of this policy is what leads to the violence in Darfur.
The NIF encourages immigration from Egypt by offering these migrants the following rights: freedom of entry to Sudan without visas; residence permits are provided free of cost; freedom of movement within the whole of Sudan; the ability to own land upon arrival; the right to vote as soon as they settle in Sudan.
All of this is going on while tens of thousands of Sudanese languish in Egypt in deplorable conditions with none of the aforementioned privileges. Nineteen thousand are registered with the UNHCR, but there are many more Sudanese stranded in Egypt, unable to return to Sudan.
The strategy is obvious; the Arabs are being relocated in the south while African Southerners are being kept from returning in an attempt to shift the demographic to favour Khartoum when the vote for independence comes in 2011.
The abuse of South Sudanese is not restricted to Egypt. There are countless Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in Khartoum or in the IDP camps around it such as Hagi Yousif , Kalakata and Al-Sal’ama Camp in Jebel.
Since the death of Garang the dumping of five to ten bodies of South Sudanese has become a daily occurrence. Those who had managed to scrape together enough to escape the IDP camps and eke out a living in Khartoum are being driven from their homes once again by landlords who are increasing rents by as much as 100%. Whole families are being driven back into the camps straining what resources are available there.
In another effort to keep Southerners from returning home the NIF has increased air fare from Khartoum to Juba from $100, to $200.
These are just a few of the tactics implemented by the NIF to insure the CPA fails. It is up to the international community to monitor these violations and, more importantly, insure there are very real and very negative consequences for such abuse. Only through this type of foreign intervention will the NIF be made to respect their obligations under the CPA and implement it fully without delay.
By Justin Laku©
Wednesday, September 29, 2010
An open letter to all Members of Parliament: Fostering Peace in Sudan
The Friends of Sudan (Canada)
19th September 2010
An open letter to all Members of Parliament: Fostering Peace in Sudan
Dear _________________:
With Sudan’s general elections now over, the time has come to refocus on the challenges that lie ahead for Sudan in the next year. The tremendous task of holding elections as agreed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement drew international attention to the technical shortcomings of that process. It is likely that in the coming months attention will be concentrated once more on the technical aspects of the second major component of the peace agreement: the January 2011 referendum concerning the independence of Southern Sudan.
We are asking you and all your colleagues in the House of Commons to speak clearly and without political partisanship in support of this referendum process, which will be held on January 9th, 2011. Evidence from a wide variety of respected sources point to problems with the voting process: hundreds of thousands Canadians of Sudanese origin will not be able to exercise their right to vote in the referendum; another 6 million Southern Sudanese have been displaced and are still living as refugees in the northern states of Sudan and will not be able to reach polling stations; at least 35,000 of these refugees have been forced to slavery, and 4000 South Sudanese women in prisons in Khartoum and Umdurman. The world, including Canada, remains largely unaware and mostly silent. Even the UN speaks with a strangely attenuated voice, willing to sacrifice justice so long as a form of peace persists.
In Sudan the tragedy of the Western Sahara is being replayed and a failure to speak and act would be shameful. We ask you to insist that the Prime Minister raise this urgent referendum question with the President of the United States and the United Nation Secretary General. Specifically we recommend that the Prime Minister urge in the strongest possible terms that internally displaced (IDPs) Southern Sudanese living in the north be repatriated with the assistance of the UNHCR and other agencies, and that the Sudan Referendum Commission recognize the voting rights of the Sudanese refugee Diaspora dual citizenships living in Canada and the U.S. by opening Outside Country Vote Centers (OCVCs) in major cities.
To ensure impartiality, the OCVCs should be under the supervision of an independent body such the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), or Elections Canada, rather than the Sudan Embassy or the Government of South Sudan Mission Office in North America. Canada could support the OCVCs with knowledgeable experts, independent scrutineers and other resources. By taking the lead and acting swiftly, Canada may motivate members of the U.N. Security Council (especially France and the United Kingdom) into introducing a resolution to address the importance of the outside country vote in the Sudanese referenda.
There is much more to be done to ensure the continuance of peace in Sudan, but given the urgency of the referenda situation we believe that common action by MPs would be an excellent first step. Therefore, there is urgency for special envoy to represent Canada’s interest in Sudan in referenda. We look forward to hearing your voice in the House on this subject.
Justin Laku
Director
Cc: The United Nations Secretary General
Cc: President of the United States of America
Cc: President of Government of South Sudan
Cc: Chairman of the African Union
Cc: The European Union
Cc: The Diplomatic Missions in Ottawa
Cc: The U.S. Special envoy to Sudan
Cc: The U.S Ambassador to the United Nations
Cc: Sudan Ambassador to the United States
19th September 2010
An open letter to all Members of Parliament: Fostering Peace in Sudan
Dear _________________:
With Sudan’s general elections now over, the time has come to refocus on the challenges that lie ahead for Sudan in the next year. The tremendous task of holding elections as agreed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement drew international attention to the technical shortcomings of that process. It is likely that in the coming months attention will be concentrated once more on the technical aspects of the second major component of the peace agreement: the January 2011 referendum concerning the independence of Southern Sudan.
We are asking you and all your colleagues in the House of Commons to speak clearly and without political partisanship in support of this referendum process, which will be held on January 9th, 2011. Evidence from a wide variety of respected sources point to problems with the voting process: hundreds of thousands Canadians of Sudanese origin will not be able to exercise their right to vote in the referendum; another 6 million Southern Sudanese have been displaced and are still living as refugees in the northern states of Sudan and will not be able to reach polling stations; at least 35,000 of these refugees have been forced to slavery, and 4000 South Sudanese women in prisons in Khartoum and Umdurman. The world, including Canada, remains largely unaware and mostly silent. Even the UN speaks with a strangely attenuated voice, willing to sacrifice justice so long as a form of peace persists.
In Sudan the tragedy of the Western Sahara is being replayed and a failure to speak and act would be shameful. We ask you to insist that the Prime Minister raise this urgent referendum question with the President of the United States and the United Nation Secretary General. Specifically we recommend that the Prime Minister urge in the strongest possible terms that internally displaced (IDPs) Southern Sudanese living in the north be repatriated with the assistance of the UNHCR and other agencies, and that the Sudan Referendum Commission recognize the voting rights of the Sudanese refugee Diaspora dual citizenships living in Canada and the U.S. by opening Outside Country Vote Centers (OCVCs) in major cities.
To ensure impartiality, the OCVCs should be under the supervision of an independent body such the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), or Elections Canada, rather than the Sudan Embassy or the Government of South Sudan Mission Office in North America. Canada could support the OCVCs with knowledgeable experts, independent scrutineers and other resources. By taking the lead and acting swiftly, Canada may motivate members of the U.N. Security Council (especially France and the United Kingdom) into introducing a resolution to address the importance of the outside country vote in the Sudanese referenda.
There is much more to be done to ensure the continuance of peace in Sudan, but given the urgency of the referenda situation we believe that common action by MPs would be an excellent first step. Therefore, there is urgency for special envoy to represent Canada’s interest in Sudan in referenda. We look forward to hearing your voice in the House on this subject.
Justin Laku
Director
Cc: The United Nations Secretary General
Cc: President of the United States of America
Cc: President of Government of South Sudan
Cc: Chairman of the African Union
Cc: The European Union
Cc: The Diplomatic Missions in Ottawa
Cc: The U.S. Special envoy to Sudan
Cc: The U.S Ambassador to the United Nations
Cc: Sudan Ambassador to the United States
Sunday, September 19, 2010
An Open Letter to each and every Member of Parliament in Canada:
An Open Letter to each and every Member of Parliament:
Dear _________________;
We are asking you and all your colleagues in the House of Commons to speak urgently and effectively, and without political partisanship, for the people of Western Sudan. Based on incontrovertible evidence, hundreds of people are today being murdered in Darfur in Western Sudan; over 750,000 have been displaced, and at least 100,000 have been forced to flee to neighbouring Chad. The world, including Canada, remains largely unaware and mostly silent. Even the UN speaks with a strangely attenuated voice.
In Darfur the tragedy of Rwanda is being replayed and a failure to speak and act would be shameful. We ask you to insist that the Prime Minister raise this urgent humanitarian question with the President of the United States. Specifically we recommend that the Prime Minister urge in the strongest possible terms that the United States immediately bring to the UN Security Council a resolution which would place a substantial and effective number of number of unarmed international observers on the ground in areas of conflict in Darfur. Canada would support this with funds and people. Such a resolution should also call for immediate access to all areas of Darfur by UN and international humanitarian agencies to attend to the food, water and security needs of the thousands of refugees and wounded. Failure by the United States to agree to introduce such a resolution should not deter Canada from pressing other members of the Security Council, particularly France and Britain, from introducing a resolution.
The above is the least that Canada can do in this horrifying crisis. There is much more to be done, but given the urgency of the situation we think that a common action from Members, before the house rises, would be an appropriate beginning.
We look forward to your action.
Signed
Members of the Canadian Friends of Sudan.©
encl.
April 23, 2004 Amnesty International Public Statement
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGIOR410282004
April 23, 2004 Human Rights Watch (HRW)
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/04/23/sudan8487.htm
April 14, 2004 Human Rights Watch (HRW)
http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2004/04/14/sudan8431.htm
For detailed analysis and background (not enclosed) see HRW
http://hrw.org/reports/2004/sudan0404/
Dear _________________;
We are asking you and all your colleagues in the House of Commons to speak urgently and effectively, and without political partisanship, for the people of Western Sudan. Based on incontrovertible evidence, hundreds of people are today being murdered in Darfur in Western Sudan; over 750,000 have been displaced, and at least 100,000 have been forced to flee to neighbouring Chad. The world, including Canada, remains largely unaware and mostly silent. Even the UN speaks with a strangely attenuated voice.
In Darfur the tragedy of Rwanda is being replayed and a failure to speak and act would be shameful. We ask you to insist that the Prime Minister raise this urgent humanitarian question with the President of the United States. Specifically we recommend that the Prime Minister urge in the strongest possible terms that the United States immediately bring to the UN Security Council a resolution which would place a substantial and effective number of number of unarmed international observers on the ground in areas of conflict in Darfur. Canada would support this with funds and people. Such a resolution should also call for immediate access to all areas of Darfur by UN and international humanitarian agencies to attend to the food, water and security needs of the thousands of refugees and wounded. Failure by the United States to agree to introduce such a resolution should not deter Canada from pressing other members of the Security Council, particularly France and Britain, from introducing a resolution.
The above is the least that Canada can do in this horrifying crisis. There is much more to be done, but given the urgency of the situation we think that a common action from Members, before the house rises, would be an appropriate beginning.
We look forward to your action.
Signed
Members of the Canadian Friends of Sudan.©
encl.
April 23, 2004 Amnesty International Public Statement
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGIOR410282004
April 23, 2004 Human Rights Watch (HRW)
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/04/23/sudan8487.htm
April 14, 2004 Human Rights Watch (HRW)
http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2004/04/14/sudan8431.htm
For detailed analysis and background (not enclosed) see HRW
http://hrw.org/reports/2004/sudan0404/
Preparations for Peace in Southern Sudan Our Position
Preparations for Peace in Southern Sudan
Our Position
That Canada take steps, including funding of capacity building initiatives, NOW, to enhance the southern Sudan infrastructure and institutional capacity in preparation for peace and the massive return of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees to southern Sudan following the signing of a peace accord between the SPLM/A and the Government of Sudan. Further, that Canada pressure the Government of Sudan to desist from actions that are detrimental to a stable and permanent peace.
Issues
Current infrastructure, both physical and institutional in southern Sudan does not have the capacity to accept large numbers of returnees or to effectively use large flows of funds. Canada must act now to develop capacity in southern Sudanese institutions to absorb larger funding flows than have been available in the past.
The Government of Sudan seems to be using the crisis in Darfur to delay the peace process in southern Sudan while encouraging activities that are detrimental to a lasting peace. Canada must work to apply international pressure to ensure such activity ceases and the negotiations are brought to a successful conclusion.
Background
The Government of Sudan and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement have signed a cease-fire and expect to sign a permanent peace accord following the principles outlined in the Machakos Agreement within the next few months. The government, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and relief agencies need to expedite preparations for the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and thousands of refugees to their homes in southern Sudan once a peace agreement is signed.
Over 1 million IDPs and thousands of refugees are expected in the first six months, which could lead to southern Sudan being overwhelmed. Donors must immediately begin to fund programmes to assist returnees, rather than wait for a final peace deal. These include local, food aid, health care, education and mine action institutions. Most of these will be NGOs as the government of southern Sudan does not yet exist. USAID's Famine Early Warning System warns that current food insecurity in "high alert" areas such as Aweil, Wau, Magwit, Torit, Bor, Juba and Yei would also be a problem for both returnees and host populations.
The peace process in Kenya has come to a halt as the government delays and delays while attempting to mollify the international community by extending the ceasefire in 3 month increments. The government also appears to be encouraging actions that are detrimental to a lasting peace, in particular, allocating depopulated lands to new settlers from the north among them some Egyptians. The Egyptian settlers are apparently being allocated land under an agreement between Sudan and Egypt allowing freedom of movement, residence and work between the two countries.
©CFS,2004.
Our Position
That Canada take steps, including funding of capacity building initiatives, NOW, to enhance the southern Sudan infrastructure and institutional capacity in preparation for peace and the massive return of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees to southern Sudan following the signing of a peace accord between the SPLM/A and the Government of Sudan. Further, that Canada pressure the Government of Sudan to desist from actions that are detrimental to a stable and permanent peace.
Issues
Current infrastructure, both physical and institutional in southern Sudan does not have the capacity to accept large numbers of returnees or to effectively use large flows of funds. Canada must act now to develop capacity in southern Sudanese institutions to absorb larger funding flows than have been available in the past.
The Government of Sudan seems to be using the crisis in Darfur to delay the peace process in southern Sudan while encouraging activities that are detrimental to a lasting peace. Canada must work to apply international pressure to ensure such activity ceases and the negotiations are brought to a successful conclusion.
Background
The Government of Sudan and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement have signed a cease-fire and expect to sign a permanent peace accord following the principles outlined in the Machakos Agreement within the next few months. The government, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and relief agencies need to expedite preparations for the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and thousands of refugees to their homes in southern Sudan once a peace agreement is signed.
Over 1 million IDPs and thousands of refugees are expected in the first six months, which could lead to southern Sudan being overwhelmed. Donors must immediately begin to fund programmes to assist returnees, rather than wait for a final peace deal. These include local, food aid, health care, education and mine action institutions. Most of these will be NGOs as the government of southern Sudan does not yet exist. USAID's Famine Early Warning System warns that current food insecurity in "high alert" areas such as Aweil, Wau, Magwit, Torit, Bor, Juba and Yei would also be a problem for both returnees and host populations.
The peace process in Kenya has come to a halt as the government delays and delays while attempting to mollify the international community by extending the ceasefire in 3 month increments. The government also appears to be encouraging actions that are detrimental to a lasting peace, in particular, allocating depopulated lands to new settlers from the north among them some Egyptians. The Egyptian settlers are apparently being allocated land under an agreement between Sudan and Egypt allowing freedom of movement, residence and work between the two countries.
©CFS,2004.
Action Brief – Disarming and Disbanding the Janjaweed Militias
Action Brief – Disarming and Disbanding the Janjaweed Militias
Our Urgent Recommendation to the Government of Canada
That Canada use its influence at the United Nations and elsewhere to pressure the Government of Sudan to take substantial and real action to disarm and disband the Janjaweed militias in Darfur.
Issues
The Janjaweed militias, supported by the Government of Sudan, are the principal perpetrators of the genocide in Darfur. They must be disarmed and disbanded if the refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) are to return to their home villages.
Background
The humanitarian situation in Southern Darfur State is now worse than it has ever been. The current trend continues as bands of Janjaweed descend on the south from Northern and Western Darfur states, moving towards the Nyala and Sharaya areas. In spite of the deployment of the African Union Force and the increased presence of aid agencies these attacks continue. Neither the UN nor other agencies have managed to clearly map the areas depopulated as a result of militia activity, but according to humanitarian agencies, a clear trend has emerged of non-Arabs being hounded out of rural areas into urban centres. The current estimates are 1.2 million displaced and 70,000 killed. This is a clear case of ethnic cleansing and genocide, and it must be stopped.
The Janjaweed have attacked black Africans from the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa ethnic groups with a ruthlessness that has not been seen in the region for some time, report aid agencies and refugees. They have killed, raped, maimed, looted and burned down tens of thousands of village homes, displacing hundreds of thousands of people.
Many of the attacks take on a similar pattern, eyewitnesses report. Hundreds or thousands of Janjaweed riding horses and camels arrive in an area from different directions before engaging in a major offensive. Rich from looting thousands of head of cattle, they are well armed with automatic weapons and carry modern communications equipment. They easily coordinate their attacks with government forces. Before and after burning the non-Arab villages collectively accused of harbouring rebels, they often loiter, armed with automatic rifles, around water sources. Eyewitnesses say they intimidate and rape local women, loot their animals and destroy key infrastructure.
Given the nature of the crisis it will not be possible for the refugees and IDPs to return home until the Janjaweed are disarmed and disbanded.
Our Urgent Recommendation to the Government of Canada
That Canada use its influence at the United Nations and elsewhere to pressure the Government of Sudan to take substantial and real action to disarm and disband the Janjaweed militias in Darfur.
Issues
The Janjaweed militias, supported by the Government of Sudan, are the principal perpetrators of the genocide in Darfur. They must be disarmed and disbanded if the refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) are to return to their home villages.
Background
The humanitarian situation in Southern Darfur State is now worse than it has ever been. The current trend continues as bands of Janjaweed descend on the south from Northern and Western Darfur states, moving towards the Nyala and Sharaya areas. In spite of the deployment of the African Union Force and the increased presence of aid agencies these attacks continue. Neither the UN nor other agencies have managed to clearly map the areas depopulated as a result of militia activity, but according to humanitarian agencies, a clear trend has emerged of non-Arabs being hounded out of rural areas into urban centres. The current estimates are 1.2 million displaced and 70,000 killed. This is a clear case of ethnic cleansing and genocide, and it must be stopped.
The Janjaweed have attacked black Africans from the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa ethnic groups with a ruthlessness that has not been seen in the region for some time, report aid agencies and refugees. They have killed, raped, maimed, looted and burned down tens of thousands of village homes, displacing hundreds of thousands of people.
Many of the attacks take on a similar pattern, eyewitnesses report. Hundreds or thousands of Janjaweed riding horses and camels arrive in an area from different directions before engaging in a major offensive. Rich from looting thousands of head of cattle, they are well armed with automatic weapons and carry modern communications equipment. They easily coordinate their attacks with government forces. Before and after burning the non-Arab villages collectively accused of harbouring rebels, they often loiter, armed with automatic rifles, around water sources. Eyewitnesses say they intimidate and rape local women, loot their animals and destroy key infrastructure.
Given the nature of the crisis it will not be possible for the refugees and IDPs to return home until the Janjaweed are disarmed and disbanded.
©CFS
2004
2004
Action Brief – African Union Mission in Sudan
Action Brief – African Union Mission in Sudan
Our Urgent Recommendation to the Government of Canada
That Canada strengthens its contribution to the African Union Mission in Sudan by providing increased and urgently needed funding and technical assistance for logistics and communications.
Issue
The African Union Mission is Sudan is very small for such a large and isolated area. It will need extensive logistics and communications support if it is to fulfill its mandate. Also, based on experience in the field, it may need to be increased in size again.
Background
On 8 April 2004 the Government of Sudan and the two rebel groups, Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM) and the Sudan Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) signed a Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement. The agreement provided for a complete cessation of all military activity, unrestricted humanitarian access to IDPs and refugees, neutralization of the armed militias by the Government of Sudan, the concentration armed rebel groups in identified areas and the formation of a Ceasefire Commission and appropriate monitoring force.
On 28 May 2004 the parties signed the Agreement on the Modalities for the establishment of the Ceasefire Commission and the Deployment of Observers in Darfur. The first AU observers were to be deployed to Darfur by 2 June 2004. On 28 October 2004 the AU agreed to augment the original AMIS monitoring force from approximately 300 personnel to 3320 personnel including 2341 military, among them 450 observers, up to 815 civilian police and appropriate civilian personnel. These additional deployments commenced on 28 October and will continue over the next few months.
Under the original plan much of the logistics infrastructure and on-site facilities were to be provided by the Government of Sudan. This new and much larger force will require substantial additional logistics that are unlikely to be available from the Government of Sudan.
Canada has experience in providing logistics and communications for a long distance force. A commitment to provide technical advisers and communications detachments would demonstrate Canada’s resolve to support this mission.
©CFS
2004
Our Urgent Recommendation to the Government of Canada
That Canada strengthens its contribution to the African Union Mission in Sudan by providing increased and urgently needed funding and technical assistance for logistics and communications.
Issue
The African Union Mission is Sudan is very small for such a large and isolated area. It will need extensive logistics and communications support if it is to fulfill its mandate. Also, based on experience in the field, it may need to be increased in size again.
Background
On 8 April 2004 the Government of Sudan and the two rebel groups, Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM) and the Sudan Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) signed a Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement. The agreement provided for a complete cessation of all military activity, unrestricted humanitarian access to IDPs and refugees, neutralization of the armed militias by the Government of Sudan, the concentration armed rebel groups in identified areas and the formation of a Ceasefire Commission and appropriate monitoring force.
On 28 May 2004 the parties signed the Agreement on the Modalities for the establishment of the Ceasefire Commission and the Deployment of Observers in Darfur. The first AU observers were to be deployed to Darfur by 2 June 2004. On 28 October 2004 the AU agreed to augment the original AMIS monitoring force from approximately 300 personnel to 3320 personnel including 2341 military, among them 450 observers, up to 815 civilian police and appropriate civilian personnel. These additional deployments commenced on 28 October and will continue over the next few months.
Under the original plan much of the logistics infrastructure and on-site facilities were to be provided by the Government of Sudan. This new and much larger force will require substantial additional logistics that are unlikely to be available from the Government of Sudan.
Canada has experience in providing logistics and communications for a long distance force. A commitment to provide technical advisers and communications detachments would demonstrate Canada’s resolve to support this mission.
©CFS
2004
Friday, September 17, 2010
Press Conference-House of Commons, Ottawa: Justin Laku
Since early 2000 I have been calling on Canadian leaders to condemn the crimes of General Omar Mohammed al-Bashir.
President and leader of the National Islamic Fundamentalist party, the current government of the Republic of Sudan.
Bashir has been consistently pursuing his party’s stated goal of “Arabizing and Islamizing Africa”.
In 1992, The Chief Negotiator for the so called peace talks in Abuja, Dr. Ghazi Salahudin declared “We came to fulfill a mission of Islamization and Arabizing Africa, so the issue of Self-determination is a non-starter.”
All of Bashir’s talk of peace, all of his participation in so called negotiations have been delaying tactics
so he can implement ethnic cleansing on the ground and present the world with a fait accompli.
I know you need numbers, and I’ll give you some in a minute, but for now let me ask you a question.
How many of you have children?
I want you to imagine your child as a baby.
Imagine you are holding her in your arms.
Now I’m going to ask you to do something terrible, but this is a terrible war.
Imagine yourself completely helpless as a janjawee, an “evil horseman” rips her from your arms, throws her down your village well and tosses an grenade in after her.
I apologize for putting you through this, but Sudanese survivors don’t imagine this, they live it; and they only wish they could forget.
When Rwanda was drowning in blood the West wouldn’t use the word Genocide because they were afraid that if they did, they would have to do something about it.
Today we see Rwanda’s fate clearly, and those survivors still suffer terrible conditions.
Now the US and even the UN have declared the Sudanese Government’s crimes against humanity a genocide, and still they do nothing.
Here we are in 2004 and once again black men, women, and children are being sold into slavery.
Thousands have been butchered.
Thousands more have been raped.
Hundreds of thousands have been driven from their homes.
As we saw last Tuesday when Sudanese soldiers surrounded two refugee camps in Darfur, my people are not safe from al-Bashir anywhere.
I ask you; where is Canada's voice?
Where is Canada’s help that reaches out so quickly when others are in need?
The slaughter in Darfur began 18 months ago.
Hundreds of thousands more may soon die from starvation, disease and despair.
And why shouldn’t they despair when the world has abandoned them?
The Canadian government still refuses to call what’s happening in Sudan a Genocide.
The Canadian Special Peace Envoy to Sudan reported that there is “violence on both sides”.
If she were being raped would we condemn her for fighting back?
Would we dismiss her cries for justice by saying there was violence on both sides?
The Government of Canada and the UN were quick to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the Genocide in Rwanda but they allowed it to happen.
Just last year the Government of Canada established a national Holocaust Remembrance day; but during WWII, the Government’s policy towards Jewish refugees was “None is Too Many!” Boatloads were sent back to Nazi death camps.
When will our Government stop lying when it says “Never again”.
Our Government has had almost four decades to respond to genocide in Sudan.
In 1966 more than ten thousand men, women and children from the Equatorial region of Southern Sudan were massacred by order of Prime Minister Sadiq Al_Mahdi.
Tens of thousands more were driven to refugee camps in Uganda, Kenya, Congo, and central Africa.
In March 1987 more than ten thousand Dinka men, women and children were massacred, some burned to death by inhabitants of the town of Al’da’ein, in western Sudan.
The international community stood by as these state run atrocities were committed.
Canada was quick to send troops to Afghanistan and a vast amount of development aid goes there.
When will the Government of Canada even condemn the ongoing Genocide in Sudan?
Ladies and gentlemen, I am just one man and our organization is small; without funds staff or resources.
We need your help.
My people are dying as we speak.
I beg you, help me raise such a cry in this wonderful country that this Government cannot help but do the right thing.
©Justin Laku
House of Commons
Canadian Parliament
Ottawa, On, Canada
Feb 132004
Letter to The Right Reverend Peter Coffin, Bishop of the Diocese of Ottawa
Don't withhold to do good when it's in the power of your hand to do it. And don't say to your neighbor in need, “Come back tomorrow and I'll help” Proverbs 3:23-24.
From: Justin Laku
2108-415 MacLaren Ave
Ottawa, On, K2P 2C8
Tel\fax: 613-567-0549
E-mail: ljsamuel33@hotmail.com
Feb 11, 2000
The Right Reverend Peter Coffin
Bishop of the Diocese of Ottawa
71, Avenue Bronson Avenue.
Ottawa, On, K1R 6G6
Dear Bishop Peter,
Christian greetings and best wishes to you in name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and praise Him for His many mercies on us.
My very sincere appreciation for your long letter of Feb 2, 2000. Thank you so much for giving the Sudanese Community of Ottawa-Carleton your time, and for undertaking the problem of Sudanese Churches as one of your objectives for the year 2000.
In your letter you mentioned that you have been approached by number of groups, which claim to be the legitimate voice. Yes! There might be some who are trying to assist the persecuted Christians in Sudan with a different point of view according to their group objectives.
However, this does not mean that the Anglican Church of Canada should be inactive, silent or not taking a strong position. It is time for the Anglican Church of Canada to wake up from its long sleep and speak out about these persecutions of the Christians, bombing of hospitals, churches and schools, as well as using of chemical weapons.
Therefore, we have been deeply concerned by the news coming out of Southern Sudan, and my group is trying to its best to educate and uneducated the Anglican Church of Canada which still has not taken a stand about its sister church in Sudan.
We "the Sudanese Anglicans" in Canada, would like to see Anglican Church of Canada involved in the peace process, speaking out fearlessly on behalf of the believers in Sudan, asking the Government of Canada to put pressure on the Canadian oil company in order to pull out of Sudan and to assist the needy people of Sudan who are living in Camps of Kenya, Uganda, Zaire, Central Africa and other place around the World.
I am personally disturbed with way that the Anglican Church of Canada has ignored the suffering of the brothers and sisters for seventeen years. How could the Anglican church of Canada describe itself in the light of Saint Matthew 25:35-37, "For I was hungry and you gave me something to eat, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me in, I needed clothes and you clothed me, I was sick and you looked after me, I was in prison and you came to visit me”.
Let the Anglican Church of Canada seek more facts and respond to the needs of the Sudanese Church as soon as possible in order to be a practical Church, not a “theoretical Church". Jesus was a practical man.
The Bible is very clear about what we are asked to do for those who are victimized because of their faith. We are called upon to pray for them (which never happened at Christ Church Cathedral) and lay claim to the civic privileges that God has given to us. It is our turn to speak up (on behalf of the voiceless people of Sudan. The silence of many on behalf of the few ultimately diminishes and could destroy all of us.
Your letter failed to mentioned any plans, programs or what should be done next regarding the suffering believers of Sudanese Churches. Instead, the letter focuses on the number of groups as if these are the main issue. These groups like the Vessel, the Carrier, but not the Treasure, which is the persecuted Christians of the Sudanese Church. The challenge is to ensure that the value is placed in the right spot, and that we defend the treasure, not the vessel.
I hope that the Work Group should not tie our hands as well as yours, or become an excuse for you not to speak out. The practical solution is that either you visit South Sudan and see the persecuted Christians and draw your own conclusion, or simply invite one of the Sudanese Bishops in exile and let him tour and speak out on behalf of the voiceless people of Sudan who are suffering from the National Islamic Front (NIF) government which Arabized and Islamized Christians in the Sudan.
Finally, the primary purpose of this response is to explain to you how the Sudanese Persecuted Churches are been ignored by the Anglican Church of Canada. I sincerely hope that this letter will help you and your Church understand the crimes of the NIF government against the Christians in Sudan so that you could take this issue seriously before gets too late like Rwanda.
We need to shake awake those who are power to bring their attention to these injustices. And where we have a voice, speak out. Once you know, then you're accountable. And I would say, now we know.
I will be most happy to provide you with additional information should you desire so May God's richest blessings on your life and work.
With my Prayers,
©Justin Laku
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