The Current Political Situation in Tanzanian

The below was posted on ACOA WhatsApp forum. 

@⁨Serge Banyongen⁩ shouldn't the TZ folks be the ones to initiate? It's happening in their country. They're the ones who can tell you how outsiders can be helpful.

My responses:

On moral grounds, it is neither right nor ethical for members of the Tanzanian (TZ) community to expect the African diaspora to reach out to them first. The reverse should be true. Based on my own experience in advocacy and lobbying, I have consistently offered a helping hand to other communities without waiting for them to contact me.

 

For example, I supported the Kenyan community without them first reaching out to the Sudanese community in Ottawa or to the Friends of Sudan group. When I began lobbying Members of Parliament and Senators, Dr. Sam Kwoffie approached me and introduced me to the late Hon. David Kilgour, M.P., P.C. Likewise, the STAND for Darfur student movement in Canada and the U.S. invited me to participate in their planning, operations, and logistics efforts — and together, we made a meaningful impact.

 

In 2008, rally organizers in Columbia, North Carolina, reached out to me to help plan and coordinate a major rally that drew over 8,000 participants — entirely organized by concerned citizens of North Carolina (see Ottawa Citizen for details).

From a moral perspective, if there were no Tanzanians in Ottawa or Canada, would we simply fold our hands and watch, or would we take action to make a difference in Tanzania and across Africa? I write this based on more than 20 years of advocacy and lobbying experience in Canada, the United States, Europe, and on university campuses in both Canada and the U.S.

To suggest that the African diaspora in the national capital should wait until the Tanzanian community reaches out is not only backward thinking but also a convenient excuse for inaction — a form of complicity that risks placing us on the wrong side of history.

 

Let me offer a few recommendations:

1. Leadership and Coordination:
   I understand that ACAO leadership may hesitate to take initiative due to funding concerns. However, ACAO (which already has contacts for most diaspora community members) could call a meeting to discuss the situation. From that meeting, a demonstration committee could be formed — not as a representative of ACAO itself, but as a coalition acting on behalf of the broader diaspora community. This would protect ACAO from legal liability while enabling it to play a facilitative role.
2. Immediate Actions:
• Organize rallies across Canada.
• Send letters to Members of Parliament, Senators, human rights groups, and churches.
• Coordinate with partners in the U.S. and Europe to ensure alignment and consistency of action.
3. Long-Term Goals:
• Work toward influencing foreign policy in host countries.
• Propose sustainable solutions to help prevent similar political crises in the future.

 

In short, the African diaspora must take the lead — with or without Tanzanian participation. The issues at hand are bigger than any single country. We must think beyond narrow boundaries and avoid excuses such as “TZ should reach out first.”

Let me conclude with the Parable of the Good Samaritan:
Did the victim reach out to the Good Samaritan for help?
Be the judge — and choose to stand on the right side of history.

The planned rally should also highlight political crises across Africa, not just in Tanzania.

The Parable of the Good Samaritan

Luke 10

²⁵ On one occasion an expert in the law stood up to test Jesus. “Teacher,” he asked, “what must I do to inherit eternal life?”

²⁶ “What is written in the Law?” he replied. “How do you read it?”

²⁷ He answered, “‘Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength and with all your mind’^[c]; and, ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’^[d]”

²⁸ “You have answered correctly,” Jesus replied. “Do this and you will live.”

²⁹ But he wanted to justify himself, so he asked Jesus, “And who is my neighbor?”

³⁰ In reply Jesus said: “A man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, when he was attacked by robbers. They stripped him of his clothes, beat him and went away, leaving him half dead. ³¹ A priest happened to be going down the same road, and when he saw the man, he passed by on the other side. ³² So too, a Levite, when he came to the place and saw him, passed by on the other side. ³³ But a Samaritan, as he traveled, came where the man was; and when he saw him, he took pity on him. ³⁴ He went to him and bandaged his wounds, pouring on oil and wine. Then he put the man on his own donkey, brought him to an inn and took care of him. ³⁵ The next day he took out two denarii^[e] and gave them to the innkeeper. ‘Look after him,’ he said, ‘and when I return, I will reimburse you for any extra expense you may have.’

³⁶ “Which of these three do you think was a neighbor to the man who fell into the hands of robbers?”

³⁷ The expert in the law replied, “The one who had mercy on him.”

Jesus told him, “Go and do likewise.”

 

Here are some links for your use.

 

©Thanks for your interest, Hustin

The Theologian

 

 

Rape Culture at Wartime and the Weaponization of Sexual Violence

1.      Cultural Context

 

In many African societies, women traditionally live with their parents until marriage. Culturally, it is often considered improper or even immoral for a woman—young or old—to live alone in her own apartment or house. Women who do so may be labeled as prostitutes. In some communities, women who marry foreigners are also stigmatized, since their association with outsiders is seen as crossing social boundaries. A woman’s movements are often confined to domestic and family-related spaces—school, work, the market, and family visits, while men’s world is public.

In traditional marriage practices in some African countries, several physical and social traits are valued in women. To be considered a desirable bride, a woman is expected to be:

1.       A virgin

2.      Well-endowed (“big bobo”)

3.      Broad-hipped and curvy

4.      Tall with a long neck &

5.      Possessing bright white teeth

A woman with all five traits can attract a bride price of up to 100 bulls or more, especially when several men compete for her hand. By contrast, a woman who possesses only a few of these qualities may be “worth” only a few goats, sheep, or chickens.

In communities influenced by Arab culture, premarital sex is seen as a deep source of family shame. In extreme cases, a woman who becomes pregnant before marriage may be killed by her father in what is called an honor killing—an act intended to “preserve” family dignity.

2. The Impact of War and Sexual Violence

 

During wartime, women often become targets of rape, abduction, and sexual enslavement. Those who lose their virginity through rape face immense stigma, making it nearly impossible for them to find husbands afterward. In some cases, husbands abandon wives who have been raped, while entire communities disown survivors. Tragically, there is often no medical or psychological support to help women recover from the trauma.

Rape during conflict is not a random act—it is a deliberate weapon of war. Armed groups use it to:

• Dehumanize and dominate women by turning them into sexual slaves and breaking the morale of their communities.
• Send a message of power and humiliation, implying that the victims will carry the perpetrator’s offspring, thus changing the social and demographic fabric of the region.
• Redefine ethnic or political boundaries by impregnating women to alter future generations.

3. Male Victims of Wartime Rape

 

Although less discussed, men and boys are also victims of wartime sexual violence. Raping males serves similar purposes: to dehumanize, to assert dominance, and to spread fear within communities. It carries an additional layer of cultural shame, as African traditions consider male submission to sexual violence as a deep dishonor. Such acts are sometimes carried out by national security forces to instill fear and suppress dissent. For instance, many men arrested or detained experienced rape and sexual violence in the custody of the National Security of Sudan (NSS) and South Sudan (NSS) and Uganda Defense forces (northern Uganda).

4. Consequences for Victims

 

The aftermath of sexual violence is devastating. Survivors often face lifelong trauma, social rejection, and economic marginalization. Many are disowned by their families and shunned by their communities. Those who become pregnant through rape sometimes resort to abortion or infanticide to avoid reliving the trauma and social stigma.

Children born of rape frequently grow up as painful reminders of violence. For the families, these assaults also represent the loss of bride wealth—a significant economic blow, as a raped daughter is no longer considered marriageable and thus 'worth' no bride price. For example, South Sudan, the Darfur region of Sudan, Central Africa, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and others were ranked lower than Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In Darfur, women who were raped or sexually abused would always describe their experiences as follows: "Rebels or military beat her, meaning rape her to avoid shame."

5. Conclusion

 

Rape during war is not simply an act of lust or opportunism; it is a weapon intentionally designed to destroy individuals, families, and entire societies. It exploits existing cultural norms about honor, purity, and gender, turning them into instruments of humiliation and control. Addressing wartime rape requires not only justice for the perpetrators but also a profound cultural and institutional transformation that restores dignity, provides trauma care, and rebuilds community trust. 

Re: Suggestions

To: Dear Black History Month Ottawa (BHMO) Board Members:

I'd like to suggest that the BHMO involve young future individuals of NCR in the organization, programming, and execution of the BHM program on February 1, 2025--let the youth take the lead. For example, this year, I'd like to see young people take the lead in MCing the BHM event and presenting honors to recipients rather than the customary old guard. If we do not involve young people now, it will be too late to engage them at the future, and the entire notion of the BHM message, awards and others will perish when you (the old guards) run out of energy and no time to complete tasks on your own and cry for assistance at the last minute. Moreover, I firmly believe that young people should be given this opportunity this Feb 2025. They can be coached prior to Feb 1, 2025.

Furthermore, I’d like to see that this year, young people should be given the opportunity to administer the program, while the old guards can sit back and relax. We (the Afro-Canadian diaspora communities) must think outside the box and stop conducting business as usual and expecting different outcomes; this will never yield a better result in the future.

Finally, an outreach group should be formed during this year's event. People should be asked to sign up to help with selection, fundraising, reception, MCing, and other committees. Don't miss out on this fantastic opportunity to attract individuals and young future leaders while also soliciting funds at the event.

in a nutshell, it's time to sit back, relax, observe, and hand the baton to tomorrow's leaders. I'd want to see it happen this year. Suzett and I know some capable young individuals who can lead this year's event, beginning with MCing, awards, presentations, and so on. We can get them ready for these jobs. It is time to begin training the NCR youth to occupy positions of leadership while they are still young, full of energy, potential, and ideas, and to entice their peers to become the next audience of BHM in the years to come.

The lesson learned should be applied equally to all Afro-Canadian organizations with comparable goals of advancing the interests of the diaspora. It should also be viewed as a wake-up call for future reference, with the proposals incorporated into the 2026 planning process. The notion should not be interpreted negatively, as this would divert the diaspora's focus away from the need to prepare young future leaders in diaspora communities. Also, I share my idea with others for healthy learning purposes, and it should not be taken out of context. 

I hope this makes sense, and thanks for your interest in the Afro-Canadians' future leaders.  

The distinction between western and third-world politicians

The difference between western and third-world politicians is that the first-world politicians prioritize citizens' needs first while placing their asses on seats. In other words, they serve the citizens' interests while also being re-elected by them.

While third-world politicians showed their asses to the public, their gaze was fixated on the seats. That explains why the third world is rife with shits, corrupt politicians, tribal leaders, and tyrants. 

Re: Member of ACAO: High Priority

Hi all,

I trust you had a wonderful Christmas and NY celebrations full of fun!

I hope some of you recall my posts on here in June and September 18th, 2024, on the Lib Party leadership crisis and possibly early elections in the spring of 2025, which turned out to be true.

The million-dollar question still stands: Are Afro-Canadian/Afro-Caribbean diaspora members prepared to face the issue of identifying their own candidates to run for public office or seek nomination? Are Afro-Canadian/Afro-Caribbean born Canadians educating their members about civic involvement, party membership, campaigns, and voter registration, volunteering? Identify and support them to represent their interests in the Commons, or are they still stuck in the old paradigm of supporting non-Afro-Canadians to represent them and their interests in the commons, or wishing for non-Afro-Canadian candidates to represent their interests in the commons? I leave it to you to determine and act on this matter for the sake of future generations of Afro-Canadian/Afro-Caribbean young leaders.

P.S. please, consult the screenshots for June and Sept 2024 messages.

Below is my messages to 

Dear Member of ACAO:  

Greetings to you all in the name of God of Africa, May He/She protect you and give you the wisdom to lead the Afro-Canadians to a better future in Canada.  

I trust all is well with you and that you're in good spirits.

I am humbled by your kind and encouraging comments, as well as brotherly and sisterly support during the 2024 ACAO multicultural festival/ football torment; thank you everyone for being true friends in times of need.

I will do my best to help advance the ACAO's vision, objectives, and mission in the nation's capital.

As I discussed with John last April 2024, there is a need to educate Afro-Canadian students and youngsters about educational, national, and worldwide job options available to them.

Additionally, the federal elections may be held early next year. The question is if the afro-Canadians and Afro-Caribbean Canadians are willing to influence the system in order to attain the goals and objectives of the Afro-Canadians diaspora.

ACAO can begin with civic engagement efforts to educate diaspora groups on the importance of voting, party membership, campaigns, and participating in the political process. This is fodder for thinking.

It's time for the Afro-Canadians diaspora to take the initiative and represent themselves at all levels of government in Canada.

John, I am still working on my FIFA certification, which was delayed due to Covid-19, so I am not finished yet.

May God’s richest blessings be on your lives and works.

©Hustin

July 6^th,2024

True Greatest Heroes of South Sudan Video

 

Fraught Sudan poll imperils democracy

 

Fraught Sudan poll imperils democracy

By Justin Laku

Sudanese democracy is being killed by multiple assassins, writes Justun Laku.

Election rigging and voter frauds, such as the ones allegedly took place in that Sudan this past week during the first multiparty elections in 24 years, are all clear indications of an unfair, non-free, non-transparent, non-credible, and non-inclusive election held in the absence of the rule of law.

Sudanese democracy is being killed by multiple assassins: the National Election Commission (NEC), President Omar al-Bashir’s National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-Democratic Change (SPLM).

Each of these three suspects in the election-rigging game has had a hand in unfair elections and, indeed, has contributed to the death of democracy in Sudan. The NEC in the north, by its decision to print presidential ballots in a government-owned printing press, opened the door to rigging and possible fraud in the creation of election materials. On the part of the NCP, its use of oil money and public services to fund campaigns is a crass destruction of the democratic process and a trampling of Islamic laws. And the SPLM’s harassment of independent candidates and orders handed down to ban the activities of its breakaway faction, the SPLM Democratic Change, are an added false start to the work of democratization in Sudan.

Democracy in Sudan is not yet fully dead; there are still signs of life and hope. Yes, it is true that first aid is required to give it life through recounts and the cross-referencing of voter lists with actual votes cast in areas where irregularities allegedly occurred.

But this unfair election may cause more harm than good to both the SPLM and the NCP, as the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) partnership, as well as the road to the 2011 South Sudan referendum on independence, will be made that much more difficult. The indicators on the ground suggest that most of the south will vote for separation, even thought the north is trying its best to make continued unity attractive at all costs.

So what does democracy mean to the Sudanese — and, in fact, the continent? African leaders inherited democracy from colonial masters without understanding the concept behind it. In essence democracy, as applied in Sudan, is tantamount to a “copy-and-paste” of Western democracy and lacks solid beliefs, values and processes that are meaningful to the locals. As a result, these artificial applications of democracy remain vulnerable to the instinctive impulse of tribalism.

Democracy in Sudan is rife with tribalism, ethnic nepotism and ethnic favoritism. The only way ahead is one of equality, acceptance, respect, freedom, separation of religion from state, reconciliation, awareness of common values, responsibility for the country’s other cultures, and law enforcement against corruption and other ills besetting this nation.

Justin Laku is a founding member of the African Diaspora Association the founder of The Friends of Sudan

Tags: Sudanese Elections

https://mg.co.za/article/2010-04-22-fraught-sudan-poll-imperils-democracy/

The article was first published on 22 APRIL 2010