South Sudan: Institutionalized Discrimination in Organized Forces and Public Services

ABSTRACT

This is the second serial of South Sudan organized forces administrative corruption article. It discusses the current appointments and postings of South Sudan National Police Services (SSNPS) officers and soldiers to represent the country in the embassies abroad. Additionally, it sheds light on the systemic discrimination and its purpose, origin, consequences and provides substantial evidence of systemic discrimination. The paper argues that, Kiir’s regime is not willing and ready to restructure or dismantle organized forces not to eliminate the culture of less command and control and less disciplined organized forces which existed for years in the post Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and independence periods. Furthermore, institutionalized Discrimination is driver for insecurity, instability and bad governance crisis. The attached list of SSNPS officers and soldiers compiled in this work in progress reflects only two ethnicities. It is a clear indication of Dinkanization-Nuerization policy at all levels of government. The paper commences with an overview of systemic discrimination.

Systemic discrimination ascribed tribal emotions, ideologies and attitudes that generate and undergird discriminatory practices in the social groups, tribal networks, and institutions that embed and buttress the pervasive tribal discrimination, the unjustly gained economic and political privileges, resources and power of Dinka-Nuer that have resulted from institutionalized discrimination over many years (Bolton, Jr., & Feagin, 2004). This systemic discrimination is encompassing widespread discriminatory practices targeting non-Dinka-Nuer in public services, officers and soldiers in organized forces. It is well institutionalized systemic discrimination practices designed to subordinate members of majority ethnic groups (62 ethnic groups) to the less of secondary citizens. The origin of systemic discrimination can be traced to the time of Abel Alier. Abel was the first President of High Executive Council in the Post-Addis Ababa Agreement (AAA) period.

The systemic discrimination practices are an old system of tribal oppression of Dinka, planned by Abel Alier in the mid-1970s and maintained by the leadership of Sudan People’s Liberation Army/ Movement (SPLA/M) and Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) leaders in the liberation movement, (CPA) and independent era with strategies to root out non-Dinka-Nuer from executive and senior positions in the organized forces and government departments and to unjustly enrich the retired bosses of SSNPS such as Gen. Acuil Tito, sons and daughters of Warrap state with money generated from passports, nationalities, drivers’ and residence permits, customs and oil. The unjust impoverishment of non-Dinka-Nuer created an entrenched tribal hierarchy and inequality that are difficult to overcome, because Dinka-Nuer resisting the surrender of ill-gotten gains.

The origin of systemic discrimination practices, and administration corruption were developed and instituted in Alier’s era, subsequently transferred into development and institutionalization of organized forces in the post-CPA and independent periods. As a result, the non-Dinka-Nuer in organized forces officers and soldiers face systemic discrimination, unfair treatments and promotion barriers which are often based on the traditional ideology and myth of the SPLA/M being a Dinka movement and the South Sudan government a private company of Warrap State. The structural and institutional discrimination and policies of inequality were ingrained in the JCE development plan as well as 39 SPLA Laws.

The structural institutional discrimination is built into the major institutions of the government such as the economy, political, educational, military, police health care and other sectors. The core of systemic discrimination is laid to divide citizens based on ethnic lines, to weaken major ethnic groups of Shilluk, Anuak, Feritit and Equatoria and depopulating the original inhabitants of Malakal, Gambela, Raja and Equatoria through JCE’s divide and rule, land grabbing and creation of 28/32 states policy.

The creation of the 28/32 states by the JCE is an example of rampant efforts to derail the peace implementation process, to dominate, exclude and marginalize and control the government, and to enable further transplantation of Dinka into Shilluk, Feritit, Anuak, and Equatoria areas, and finally to annex the independent Feritit groups in Northern Bahar Al-Ghazal East, into Dinka majority areas.  The overall calculus of the JCE development plan in the establishment of the 28/32 states is to provide a safety net for Dinka and empower its members with greater authority and hegemony over 62 ethnic groups. Out of 28 states Dinka has 15 and translates to more seats in the National Parliament and Senate, guaranteeing one ethnicity control of the nation’s affairs and decision-making in the post-conflict period, and domination of most non-Dinka-Nuer areas (Establishment Order 36).

Unfortunately, many Dinka-Nuer refused to acknowledge the existence of this structural systemic discrimination and instead engage in angry reaction, intimidation and retaliation against those who assert that a discrimination problem exists at all levels of government. The non-Dinka-Nuer officers and soldiers who are competent and able to work to effect important changes in SSNPS and public services, to contribute new knowledge, wisdom, professionalism and modernize law enforcement operations to be more professional, humane and know-how of intra and inter communities conflict preventions found themselves hated, demoted and forced to the non-active list. The consequences of tribalistic systemic discrimination hamper the transfer of knowledge, skills, experiences and wisdom to next generation.

The consequences of discriminatory action of Dinka-Nuer public servants and organized officers’ behavior is tribalistic to the extent that institutional control is weak, dysfunctional, unprofessional, unethical, reduces the quality of service deliveries, and is ineffective and inefficiency; furthermore, it destroys social fabric, and creates lack of equality and undermines the state authority’s government. These above constitute conflict drivers, civil war recurrences, political instability in the near future.

The list of SSNPS officers and soldiers posted in the embassies abroad provides substantial evidence, accurate and fair accounts of systemic discrimination, exclusion, marginalization, and administrative corruption in the organized forces and public services against non-Dinka-Nuer officers and soldiers.

The analysis is based on 10 States and 64 ethnic groups. The appointments and postings of passports and immigration officers and soldiers are based on family ties and ethnic affiliation, rather than merit. Data collected on some of the officers has shown family linkages, ethnicity, nepotism and favoritism which are key factors in decision regarding postings. The analysis of the SSNPS officers and soldiers list consists of 38 individual’s majority are Dinka and Nuer. The following is background information on some officers and soldiers and their ranks, states, ethnicities, family affiliations and gender.

Col. Gathuoth Gai Diu:

Director of passports and immigration and relative of Hon. Tut Kiw, the current Presidential Advisor on Security. Tut is adopted son of president Omar Al-Bashir and this may explain how Sudan was able to infiltered South Sudan through such ties.

Maj. Kuc Koor Kuc

Deputy Director of passports and immigration and related to Akol Koor Koor, Director of South Sudan National Security Services (SSNSS).

Capt. Zacharia Deng Majok:

Brother of Gen. Pieng Kuol, former SSNPS Inspector General (IGP), Hon. Deng Alor, and Dr. Francis M. Deng and all are citizens of Abyei as well as enjoying status as Sudanese citizens and other privileges.

2^nd Lt. Mayen Acuil Tito:

Son of Gen. Acuil Tito, former SSNPS Inspector General (IGP) and citizen of Warrap state.

Lt. Col. Majok Peter Majok:

Director of passports and immigration, former office staff of Gen. Acuil Tito, former SSNPS IGP and relative. In 2016 Gen. Acuil was appointed deputy minister of the Interior and Majok was promoted from rank of 1^st Lt. to Lt. Colonel within period of 14 days. Additionally, Gen. Acuil made other four promotions which were completely against policy, illegal and contrary to the rules and regulations of police promotions. Regrettably, Kiir endorsed administrative corruption, nepotism, and ethnicization of organized forces when he confirmed illegal promotions with Presidential Decrees (Presidential Decrees,2016).

Lt. Col. Rual Billu Gatluok:

Director of passports and immigration and nephew of the Interior Minister.

Capt. Polo Bouol Kelenga:

Deputy Director of passports and immigration, a member of Murle ethnic group and son In-law of Mr. Machok (Married Dinka lady/ Dinka in-law) Member of Parliament.

Capt. Kuel A. Manyuat Peter:

Deputy Director of passports and immigration and son of Lt. Gen. Abraham Manyuat, Assistant IGP for Administration

Col. Muorwel Andrew Anyuonic:

Director of passports and immigration, and former passports and immigration officer and under qualified. He served at the embassy of South Sudan in Khartoum.

Capt. Ajak George Kongor:

Daughter of Hon. George Kongor, Former Vice President of Sudan. She served at the Embassy of South Sudan in Sudan and is supposed to be recalled to the Headquarter in Juba.

Maj. Giir Giir Majok:

Director of passports and immigration, office manager of current Gen. Majak Akech, SSNPS IGP.

Capt. Daniel Makur Marol:

Director of passports and immigration and Son of Gen.  Makur Marol former SSNPS IGP.

Capt. Maker Bona Nyang:

Director of passports and immigration Office manager of Gen. John Akot, Director General of SSNPS.

1^st Lt. Aluel John Justin:

Director of passports and immigration, Daughter of Legal Advisor to the Minister of Interior since 2005.

Capt. Bol Puok Bol M:

Director of passports and immigration, son of a Member of Parliament

Lt. Gen. John Akot:

Lt. Gen. John Akot is currently Director General of Passports and an Immigration. He was Acuil Tito’s office manager. In 2016, he was promoted from Colonel to Maj. General and later to Lt. General and appointed Director General of nationalities, passports and immigration. In 2011-2011 Lt. Gen. Akot was sent for training in Rwanda Police Academy and dismissed and sent home due lack of respect for academic integrity- Lt. Gen. Akot plagiarized an essay submitted by his former colleague.

1^st Lt. Gen. Majak Akec Malok:

Current SSNPS IGP, promoted from Colonel to Maj. General and Lt. General, appointed Director General for passports and an immigration and less than a year was promoted to full general and appointed new IGP for the SSNPS.

Maj. Gen. Akol Ayii Madut:

Current Director General for Customs Service (SSCS) is citizen of NBS. He was a junior officer in 2010 and promoted five times within period of eight years, while non-Dinka-Nuer officer are deprived of promotions.

Lt. Gen. Henry Kuany Aguar:

Current Director General of National Prison Services (NPSSS) and citizens of Warrap State.

Lt. Gen. ???

          Current Director General of Wildlife Conservation and Tourism is Dinka

According to the 2012 Police Leadership Conference under the theme: “Comprehensive institutional need assessment (CINA)” held in Wau, determined that, number of police officer college graduates is less than 10% and most graduates were either demoted, forced to the non-active or marginalized without assignments and deployments and replaced by illiterate SPLA soldiers. In addition, most Police Commissioners across South Sudan are either Dinka or Nuer. For instance; the current Jubek State Police Commissioner is Nuer member of Taban Deng rebel group.

RANKS

·         8 senior and 24 junior officers and 6 policemen (soldiers);

·         22 law enforcement officers and soldiers from Warrap State and

·         8 from Lakes state

STATE

·         22 out 38 officers/ soldiers are citizens of Warrap

·         8 out 38 officers/ soldiers are citizens of Lakes

·         3 out 38 officers/ soldiers are citizens of Jonglei

·         5 out of 38 officers/ soldiers are citizens of unity and

·         1 out of 38 officer citizen of Western Equatoria State

ETHNICITY

·         32 out 38 Dinka

·         4 out 38 Nuer

·         1 out 38 Azande

·         1 out 38 Murle

PERCENTAGE (%)

Ethnicity	Percentage
Dinka	84%
Nuer	10.5%
Murle	2.6%
Azande	2.6%

FAMILY AFFILIATIONS

·         14 out 38 officers/soldiers are related to public office holders

GENDER

·         4 females

·         34 males

The administrative corruption of SSNPS ranges from ghost list in payroll, manipulating procurement contracts, and falsifying evidence of falsifying the actual number of SSNPS personnel in service. These practices existed during liberation time, integrated into governments of Southern Sudan (GoSS) and its continuous business as usual across the country. For instance; in the post independent period, late Gen. Alison Magaya, the first Minister of Interior discovered that, one police officer turned out to be a bull. A grandmother in her 70s had been listed as a captain and a man; she claimed entitlement to the salary of her long-deceased son. Colonels who were 12 years old were discovered too. People had just added their children to the lists (AU Inquiry Report,2014). This illustrates the nature of established administrative and political corruption in the organized forces and public services.

Moreover, the joint assessment committee conducted analysis of literacy and language capacities and competency levels disaggregated by rank and identified five areas critical to the transformation of the SSNPS, including training gaps, capacity inadequacies, and institutional deficiencies. It found that police cannot read and write the Penal Code or check procedures for arrest. Major problems ensue (Johnson, 2016: P.238).

The assessment also determined and revealed that only one-third of the police were literate in English and one-sixth in Arabic. The rest were illiterate in all languages.

In Unity and Jonglei as many as nine of ten officers were illiterate. And there had been a huge inflation in rank: the ratio of non-commissioned officers to constables was almost 1:1 (ibid).

Therefore, the development of competent SSNPS is essential, but change will not happen with the current leadership, which is incapable and resisting de-ethnicization of organized forces and public services as well as senior and junior positions filled with relatives, and in-laws who lack experience, skills, training, have limited education, and knowledge of policing and are illiterate in all languages.

In conclusion, structural and institutional discrimination play a negative role in organized forces, public services, crimes and corruption prevention. Systemic employment discrimination is designed by JCE to promote and recruit less-educated Dinka-Nuer officers and soldiers and demoting well-qualified, experienced and competent non-Dinka-Nuer officers and soldiers.

The 2019 goal of the Juba regime is controlling members of 62 groups through government apparatus such as organized forces to ensure that Dinka-Nuer power prevail over the less powerful citizens of 62 ethnic groups. The 2019 plan of Dinka-Nuer is to annex the Juba Mayor Office to the President Office with intention to control Jubek state’s resources, land, housing and remote-control Jubek State governor.

With Dinka-Nuer virtually controlling all major institutions, excluded members of other the 62 ethnic groups do not have access to power and resources. Dinka-Nuer elites authorized the use of violence (unknow gun men operations) and organized forces, economic, political, military powers to subordinate citizens of 62 ethnic groups.

Ethnicization of organized forces and public services and the use of violence to exclude members of 62 ethnic group in decision-making and make them less secondary citizens is clear Dinkanization-Nuerization policy. Will peace survive under this system?

About the author:

© Hüstin Läkü,Sr

Is a native South Sudanese, and educated in South Sudan, Sudan, Egypt, Germany and Switzerland. His current research topic Title: Evaluating South Sudan Governance: From Perspective of Federated Forms and/or Devolution; South Sudan: Institutionalized Discrimination in Organized Forces and Public Services (part-2); Administrative Corruption, Nepotism, Injustice and Discrimination in South Sudan (part-1); SPLA Versus Khartoum Regimes: Animal Farm Carbon Copies; politics of foreign aid-the myth of international aid in Africa. Research interestis deep-rooted conflict, and community mediation and faciliation and leadership training. Moreover, Hüstin has lectured on Sudanese issues in the United States, Canadian universities, the Canadian military academy in Kingston, Rome, Berlin, Innsbruck, Geneva and Slovenia. Hüstin is recipient of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr life time Dream keeper Award, and Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Model for Humanitarian. Hüstin is football referee and he speaks Arabic, French, and Deutsch and read and write Greek and Hebrew. 

ACRONYMS

AAA             Addis Ababa Agreement

CPA              Comprehensive Peace Agreement

GOSS            Government of Southern Sudan (Government of Self Serving)

IGP              Inspector General of Police

JCE              Jieng Council of Elders

NPSSS           National Prison Service of South Sudan

SSCS            South Sudan Customs Services

SSNPS           South Sudan National Police Service

SSNSS           South Sudan National Security Service

SPLA/M        The leadership of Sudan People’s Liberation Army/ Movement

REFERENCES

AUCISS. (2014). AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan . Addis Ababa: African Union.

http://www.peaceau.org/uploads/auciss.final.report.pdf

Feagin, K. B. (2004). Black and Blue: African-American Police Officers and Racism . NYC: Routledge .

Feyissa, D. (2011). Playing Different Games: The Paradox of Anywaa and Nuer Identification Strategies in the Gambella Region, Ethiopia. NY: Berghahn Books.

Johnson, D. H. (Ed.). (2015). The Upper Nile Province HandBook: A Report on Peoples and Government in the Southern Sudan, 1931. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Johnson, H. (2016). South Sudan: The Untold Story from Independence to Civil War . London: I.B. Tauris.