Can the Weak Protect the Weak?

During my first trip to Darfur in April 2005, I visited three Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) Camps, ZamZam, Tuwela and Abu-Shuko. On Sept. 24 I returned to Abu-Shuko. The situation hasn't changed much. Living condition have not improved, and there has only been a slight increase in food distribution. The population has increased from 230,000 to 270,000 IDPs due to the insecurity around Al-Fasher. This is especially true in the Tuwela camp, where fighting has occurred between rebels SLA/M and government forces.

I did not travel to Tuwela this time, because of the military activities around Tuwela camps. Most of the IDPs are fleeing the Tuwela region to nearby towns.

Due to insecurity and logistical problems there are parts of Darfur that NGOs and the UNHCR cannot reach. The situation around Jebel Al-Mara is particularly bad and the IDPs there cannot be reached by outside agencies. Ironically, even with the worsening situation, the IDPs in Abu-Shuko may be better off than those who are in Jebel Al-Mara.

The increasing violence is keeping IDPs from returning home and making them completely dependant on foreign aid. Those who do try to return to their villages to tend to crops are attacked and killed or driven back to the camps.

Despite the fact that Abu-Shuko is supposed to be under the control of African Union forces (whose mandate prevents them from carrying weapons) there were no AU troops on the ground when I visited this camp.

In a terrifying example of foxes guarding the chicken coop, the Sudanese soldiers who have, in many well-documented cases, openly supported the atrocities committed by the janjaweed control the camp's main entrance. [...]

[On] Sept 24, 2005, a bus traveling from Al-Fasher, via Zam Zam, to Nyiala City was attacked. One person was killed and seven other were injured. I went to the hospital to witness the wounded for myself. This incident could have been prevented if the AU troops had been armed. All AU troops in Darfur are without guns, and they patrol the areas unarmed. "It is [ridiculous] to patrol without guns," an Egyptian police officer told me.

If this insecurity continues, the international community and NGOs will not be able to provide the assistance that is so desperately needed by hundreds of thousands of people in the Darfur region. This is a direct result of the extremely weak mandate of the AU, the continual refusal by African leaders to request international support from the international community, and the absence of intervention by the UN and NATO. [...]

Without a change in the AU mandate, the IDPs will not feel safe and the Janjaweed will continue to attack, rape and kill civilians as long as the AU soldiers remain unarmed. The mandate to fight back, arrest and detain must be applied as soon as possible in order to save lives of innocent men, women and children in the Darfur region.

In addition, the living conditions of the AU troops on the ground are very poor: there are no sports facilities; the stress level is very high; there is a lack of clinical psychologists; no air conditioning; salaries are not paid on time; and the food is low in required nutrients. All these factors will not assist AU troops in carrying out duties in an effective and timely manner.

Two AU soldiers died of HIV/AIDS, so there is also need for medical check ups for AU soldiers before their deployment to Darfur. The only two countries that give HIV/AIDS tests to their troops are South Africa and Canada. (Currently, there are two Canadian logistical officers in Darfur assisting the AU). The danger is that HIV/AIDS will spread in Darfur because of the contact with AU troops, and could lead to a serious health problem.

©Justin Laku
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan
Ottawa, ON
October 12, 2005

Afro-Canadian MPs and african diplomats have a disappointing record on Darfur

Aug 24, 2005 (Ottawa) — If the Afro-Canadian Members of Parliament do not care about the genocide in Darfur, why should the Canadian government care about Darfur? Canada sent 1,400 troops to Bosnia because Canadians of European decent play a big role in Canadian government and politics today. Today, Africans do have a voice in Canada’s Parliament, but most have chosen to be quiet on issues affecting Africa. Bloc Quebecois MP Maka Kotto, a Canadian-African of Cameroonian decent, has chosen to keep quiet instead of supporting Independent MP David Kilgour in the fight against the genocide in Darfur, in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia.

Why is Maka Kotto so silent on Africans’ problems? Why are Senator Donald Oliver, MPs Jean Augustine, Hedy Fry, Marlene Jennings, Rahim Jaffer and Deepak Obhrai silent in the issue of Darfur? Thanks to Gurmant Grewal and Bhupinder S. Liddar for their continued support of Africans: you are true sons of Africa, may God bless you. It is a shame on our African MPs.


Additionally and most important is the silence of the African diplomatic corps (with exception of some embassies). I think when Europeans come to Africa as diplomats they are very vocal in the press in the countryside, with the people, but our OWN African diplomats as a unit are very silent except for photo opportunities during Independence Day celebrations and parties; leaving their children in Canada when their term has ended. Therefore, I’d like to see the Dean and the African Heads of Missions in Canada form a coalition to ensure that the government of Canada plays its part in peacekeeping in Darfur and to push their weight collectively to answer all of Africa’s concerns.


In 2003, I wrote a letter to Jean Augustine in reference to rape victims in the Sudan and asking how she could assist. I received no formal reply from her office until now. How many times has Ms. Augustine written to the prime minister about the suffering women of Darfur? Not a single letter, that I know of. Last May I wrote an open letter to all MPs regarding genocide in Darfur. I received no responses from any of the Afro-Canadian MPs. So why should the world care about Africans and the Caribbean if black senators and MPs are not concerned about Africa?


It’s too early to know how much the newly appointed governor general will do for the victims of the rape in Darfur, peace in the South Sudan, genocide in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia. I do hope she will not turn her back on Africa and Caribbean. Can she make injustice visible?

©Justin Laku,
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan

The Politics and Practices of the Common Enemy of the South Sudan

The situation of "a common enemy" for the people of the Equatoria state in South Sudan reminds me of a story I first read in the book Politics of Self-Reliance in Africa. The story is titled "the Gentleman of the Jungle". You may already know the story very well. I will, however, briefly recite it for the benefit of those who have not heard it before or just to refresh your memory:

According to this story, the Gentleman of the Jungle is the lion. One day a man is seated, relaxing inside his house. The lion says to the man "it is so cold outside here, can I just let my head in the house." Of course, the man allows first, the lion's head into the house, followed by the shoulder, and then front legs. When the lion completely inside, it says to the man "there is not enough room for you and me in the house, get out!" The man who owns the house is thrown out and the lion takes over the house. This story is interesting because it is the lion who now determines the fate of the house once inside rather than the man who built.

The story of the man and the lion is exactly what is happening to the indigenous people of the Equatoria state of south Sudan. During the war the regime of Khartoum soldiers forced the Southern Sudanese to vacate their lands and flee into other regions, urban centres or to the neighbouring countries as refugees as well as internal displaced persons (IDP). As the war was initially dominated by the Dinka, they were the first to be displaced from their regions, and they moved south to the Equatoria state, displacing the Equatorians who were forced to flee to the urban centres or to the neighbouring countries.

In the process of settling the villages vacated, both the Arabs renamed equatorial's cities they occupied and the Dinka's also renamed these places using their own names.

The problem with this issue is that it may become very divisive for southern Sudanese. Instead of a "common enemy" for the southern Sudan, the Dinka and the Khartoum regime have become the common enemy for the Equatorians. It is obvious that the Dinka renamed the villages using their own names because they felt these reminded them of their old villages they left behind. This is not difficult to comprehend since the feeling of "home" is very important as the homestead is a person's base. Unfortunately, what the Dinka and those who are following the Khartoum regime are doing is that they are not only alienating the Equatorians from their total environment, but also sowing seeds of discord among the people of south Sudan. For example, Juba is the base, and homestead for Equatorians, and their way of life. Now, they are being forced out of this city where they have attachment for economic, political, cultural, and religious reasons for ages.

The Khartoum regime did not bring armies from north of Sudan, but recruited the soldiers from the local population as a result of the divisions that exist among the Southern Sudanese. The Khartoum regime has helped set community against community, state against state, and clan against clan. Instead of uniting and focusing on one common southern Sudan enemy, the Dinka have helped empower the Khartoum regime over all the spheres of the local community. In other words, the Khartoum regime is now using Southerners to oppress themselves.

In my view, one of the most serious results of Khartoum regime and its followers within SPLA/M was to alienate Equatorians from political power and their cultural environments. You can see that all the ministers, ambassadors and high ranking officials of the government of South Sudan (GOSS) are mainly from one tribe or one state, in other word there is no equal representation of all the Southerners in the GOSS.

To alienate Equatorians from their political and cultural way is to deprive them from their power base. Alienation from one's environment brings the disease that be could call "not knowing oneself"

In my view as Equatorians, we should not hide our heads in the sand like an ostrich and pretend that there is no problem or that we can solve the problems of the 150,000 Dinkas in Yei by importing other tribes from their base, and homestead, and settle them in Equatorial State (Yei city). We should address this problem head-on. It was the Equatorians who fought back one year ago when Dr. John Garang was killed in a plane crash. The whole world witnessed the burning of northerners' shops in Juba, but not in Malakal, and Wau. Equatorians should think twice why Juba is to be the capital of the South Sudan government or otherwise Equatorians will become victims of CPA? Also, the lack of leadership in Equatorial is number one problem in Equatorial State; some one must stand up against and make the injustice visible.

By Justin Laku ©

Will the Peace Hold in Southern Sudan after the passing of Dr. John Garang?

The roots of the conflict in the Sudan goes back to the early 19th century, several decades before the advent of the Western colonialism in the Sudan; which makes it one the longest wars in the world after the Israeli- Palestine war.
Also, the war in the Southern Sudan, between the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Islamic fundamentalism (NIF) in Khartoum is among Africa’s oldest and deadliest conflicts and largest in the region. More then 3 million were killed, achieving a death toll over twenty times higher than Darfur’s do date.
The NIF viewed the CPA as an opportunity to direct the international community’s attention away from their ongoing genocide in Darfur. While they have made some cosmetic changes, the NIF hasn’t fulfilled their core obligations to the CPA and don’t appear any more committed to this peace agreement than to any of the other treaties they’ve signed. In fact the NIF has put enormous obstacles in place to prevent progress on the CPA. It seems clear the NIF has no intention of sharing either power or oil revenue with the SPLA.
On the one hand it is impossible for the SPLA or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGDA) to know if the NIF is sharing oil revenues according to the dictates of the CPA because the NIF won’t disclose what the total revenues are. It is also likely that the NIF will use oil money to manipulate voting in the upcoming referendum on separation, which will take place in six years time.
The NIF’s continued support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda is another problem calling the success of the CPA into question. How could the LRA cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistical support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to the population in Juba and most of the Arab trades are not happy that food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
As know you the recent attacked on the convey in early September between Juba and Yei, the NIF is behind it. How could (LRA) cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistic support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to Juba population and most of the Arab trades are not happy that the food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.
The United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), could have prevented the recent attack in Yei-Juba road, but the 700 UNMIS peacekeeping troops are based only in Juba unarmed and mostly allied with Khartoum’s regimes and who have large investments in the Sudanese oil sector. Most of the UNMIS peacekeeping troops from Australia, Russia and other European countries are enjoying themselves in Khartoum’s expensive hotels playing cards and smoking cigars instead of patrolling the North / South border.
Besides this, the mandate of United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) is very weak. They have no power to arrest treaty violators, detain suspects or fight back. This is a repeat of the situation in Darfur and if such attacks continue UNMIS will be as impotent as the AU in that region.
Furthermore, the NIF has not disclosed the number of troops it still has in Southern Sudan to the UNMIS, either in Juba or other part of Southern Sudan.
Added to this hostile elements are the 500,000 Janjaweed with their horses, women and children that the NIF relocated from Darfur to Rokon County, about 60 miles south west of Juba. Their presence tends to indicate that the NIF intends to unleash a campaign of atrocities on Rokon County similar to the one they have in Darfur.
Another tactic the NIF is using to destabilize South Sudan is the transfer of large numbers of Egyptian Arabs to that region. This is in keeping with their policy of Arabizing Sudan and the implementation of this policy is what leads to the violence in Darfur.
The NIF encourages immigration from Egypt by offering these migrants the following rights: freedom of entry to Sudan without visas; residence permits are provided free of cost; freedom of movement within the whole of Sudan; the ability to own land upon arrival; the right to vote as soon as they settle in Sudan.
All of this is going on while tens of thousands of Sudanese languish in Egypt in deplorable conditions with none of the aforementioned privileges. Nineteen thousand are registered with the UNHCR, but there are many more Sudanese stranded in Egypt, unable to return to Sudan.
The strategy is obvious; the Arabs are being relocated in the south while African Southerners are being kept from returning in an attempt to shift the demographic to favour Khartoum when the vote for independence comes in 2011.
The abuse of South Sudanese is not restricted to Egypt. There are countless Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in Khartoum or in the IDP camps around it such as Hagi Yousif , Kalakata and Al-Sal’ama Camp in Jebel.
Since the death of Garang the dumping of five to ten bodies of South Sudanese has become a daily occurrence. Those who had managed to scrape together enough to escape the IDP camps and eke out a living in Khartoum are being driven from their homes once again by landlords who are increasing rents by as much as 100%. Whole families are being driven back into the camps straining what resources are available there.
In another effort to keep Southerners from returning home the NIF has increased air fare from Khartoum to Juba from $100, to $200.
These are just a few of the tactics implemented by the NIF to insure the CPA fails. It is up to the international community to monitor these violations and, more importantly, insure there are very real and very negative consequences for such abuse. Only through this type of foreign intervention will the NIF be made to respect their obligations under the CPA and implement it fully without delay.

By Justin Laku©

An open letter to all Members of Parliament: Fostering Peace in Sudan

The Friends of Sudan (Canada)



19th September 2010

An open letter to all Members of Parliament: Fostering Peace in Sudan


Dear _________________:


With Sudan’s general elections now over, the time has come to refocus on the challenges that lie ahead for Sudan in the next year. The tremendous task of holding elections as agreed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement drew international attention to the technical shortcomings of that process. It is likely that in the coming months attention will be concentrated once more on the technical aspects of the second major component of the peace agreement: the January 2011 referendum concerning the independence of Southern Sudan.

We are asking you and all your colleagues in the House of Commons to speak clearly and without political partisanship in support of this referendum process, which will be held on January 9th, 2011. Evidence from a wide variety of respected sources point to problems with the voting process: hundreds of thousands Canadians of Sudanese origin will not be able to exercise their right to vote in the referendum; another 6 million Southern Sudanese have been displaced and are still living as refugees in the northern states of Sudan and will not be able to reach polling stations; at least 35,000 of these refugees have been forced to slavery, and 4000 South Sudanese women in prisons in Khartoum and Umdurman. The world, including Canada, remains largely unaware and mostly silent. Even the UN speaks with a strangely attenuated voice, willing to sacrifice justice so long as a form of peace persists.

In Sudan the tragedy of the Western Sahara is being replayed and a failure to speak and act would be shameful. We ask you to insist that the Prime Minister raise this urgent referendum question with the President of the United States and the United Nation Secretary General. Specifically we recommend that the Prime Minister urge in the strongest possible terms that internally displaced (IDPs) Southern Sudanese living in the north be repatriated with the assistance of the UNHCR and other agencies, and that the Sudan Referendum Commission recognize the voting rights of the Sudanese refugee Diaspora dual citizenships living in Canada and the U.S. by opening Outside Country Vote Centers (OCVCs) in major cities.

To ensure impartiality, the OCVCs should be under the supervision of an independent body such the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), or Elections Canada, rather than the Sudan Embassy or the Government of South Sudan Mission Office in North America. Canada could support the OCVCs with knowledgeable experts, independent scrutineers and other resources. By taking the lead and acting swiftly, Canada may motivate members of the U.N. Security Council (especially France and the United Kingdom) into introducing a resolution to address the importance of the outside country vote in the Sudanese referenda.

There is much more to be done to ensure the continuance of peace in Sudan, but given the urgency of the referenda situation we believe that common action by MPs would be an excellent first step. Therefore, there is urgency for special envoy to represent Canada’s interest in Sudan in referenda. We look forward to hearing your voice in the House on this subject.






Justin Laku
Director


Cc: The United Nations Secretary General
Cc: President of the United States of America
Cc: President of Government of South Sudan
Cc: Chairman of the African Union
Cc: The European Union
Cc: The Diplomatic Missions in Ottawa
Cc: The U.S. Special envoy to Sudan
Cc: The U.S Ambassador to the United Nations
Cc: Sudan Ambassador to the United States

An Open Letter to each and every Member of Parliament in Canada:

An Open Letter to each and every Member of Parliament:

Dear _________________;

We are asking you and all your colleagues in the House of Commons to speak urgently and effectively, and without political partisanship, for the people of Western Sudan. Based on incontrovertible evidence, hundreds of people are today being murdered in Darfur in Western Sudan; over 750,000 have been displaced, and at least 100,000 have been forced to flee to neighbouring Chad. The world, including Canada, remains largely unaware and mostly silent. Even the UN speaks with a strangely attenuated voice.

In Darfur the tragedy of Rwanda is being replayed and a failure to speak and act would be shameful. We ask you to insist that the Prime Minister raise this urgent humanitarian question with the President of the United States. Specifically we recommend that the Prime Minister urge in the strongest possible terms that the United States immediately bring to the UN Security Council a resolution which would place a substantial and effective number of number of unarmed international observers on the ground in areas of conflict in Darfur. Canada would support this with funds and people. Such a resolution should also call for immediate access to all areas of Darfur by UN and international humanitarian agencies to attend to the food, water and security needs of the thousands of refugees and wounded. Failure by the United States to agree to introduce such a resolution should not deter Canada from pressing other members of the Security Council, particularly France and Britain, from introducing a resolution.

The above is the least that Canada can do in this horrifying crisis. There is much more to be done, but given the urgency of the situation we think that a common action from Members, before the house rises, would be an appropriate beginning.

We look forward to your action.


Signed
Members of the Canadian Friends of Sudan.©

encl.
April 23, 2004 Amnesty International Public Statement
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGIOR410282004
April 23, 2004 Human Rights Watch (HRW)
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/04/23/sudan8487.htm
April 14, 2004 Human Rights Watch (HRW)
http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2004/04/14/sudan8431.htm
For detailed analysis and background (not enclosed) see HRW
http://hrw.org/reports/2004/sudan0404/

Preparations for Peace in Southern Sudan Our Position

Preparations for Peace in Southern Sudan
Our Position

That Canada take steps, including funding of capacity building initiatives, NOW, to enhance the southern Sudan infrastructure and institutional capacity in preparation for peace and the massive return of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees to southern Sudan following the signing of a peace accord between the SPLM/A and the Government of Sudan. Further, that Canada pressure the Government of Sudan to desist from actions that are detrimental to a stable and permanent peace.

Issues

Current infrastructure, both physical and institutional in southern Sudan does not have the capacity to accept large numbers of returnees or to effectively use large flows of funds. Canada must act now to develop capacity in southern Sudanese institutions to absorb larger funding flows than have been available in the past.

The Government of Sudan seems to be using the crisis in Darfur to delay the peace process in southern Sudan while encouraging activities that are detrimental to a lasting peace. Canada must work to apply international pressure to ensure such activity ceases and the negotiations are brought to a successful conclusion.

Background

The Government of Sudan and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement have signed a cease-fire and expect to sign a permanent peace accord following the principles outlined in the Machakos Agreement within the next few months. The government, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and relief agencies need to expedite preparations for the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and thousands of refugees to their homes in southern Sudan once a peace agreement is signed.

Over 1 million IDPs and thousands of refugees are expected in the first six months, which could lead to southern Sudan being overwhelmed. Donors must immediately begin to fund programmes to assist returnees, rather than wait for a final peace deal. These include local, food aid, health care, education and mine action institutions. Most of these will be NGOs as the government of southern Sudan does not yet exist. USAID's Famine Early Warning System warns that current food insecurity in "high alert" areas such as Aweil, Wau, Magwit, Torit, Bor, Juba and Yei would also be a problem for both returnees and host populations.

The peace process in Kenya has come to a halt as the government delays and delays while attempting to mollify the international community by extending the ceasefire in 3 month increments. The government also appears to be encouraging actions that are detrimental to a lasting peace, in particular, allocating depopulated lands to new settlers from the north among them some Egyptians. The Egyptian settlers are apparently being allocated land under an agreement between Sudan and Egypt allowing freedom of movement, residence and work between the two countries.
©CFS,2004.