South Sudanese Diaspora vs Suzanne Jambo

Paul Tambura (I'm glad you signed your email based in the UK),

Landi and the good reverend Andrew Henry, Nyatom et el,

You guys are so tired of washing dishes and doing dirty manual work in Europe & USA etc you think your best bet is an 11th hour wake up call to 'keyboard unguided missiles throwing serve' your nation after 15th Dec 2013.

If you google some of us, you will see our remarkable career history - some of us are here purely to serve our Nation. So please don't slither and salivate over nothing. More is yet to come brethren!

I am still young and you've a long way to put up with my face & services. So chill and do something useful.

As for Landi, what's wrong: you gave me a 'challenge' of meeting you: and I replied you, so what's your issues again? You're one of those characters who are ever going round and more rounds saying nothing really!

Suzanne Jambo
National Secretary for External Relations
The SPLM----------------------------------------------


Hi all,


I have always kept a distance from any discussion that has no substance and full of personal attacks. However, after I read Suzanne Jambo’s unsubstantiated attacks on the South Sudanese diaspora ethical earnings in the west, I decided to respond to attack with evidence and some facts about South Sudanese diaspora contributions to South Sudan’s development, liberation and independence.

I’d like to address Jambo’s claim about “washing dishes and doing dirty manual work in Europe & the U.S.A.,” from: lobby and advocacy; investment; foreign aid and donor contribution; the UNMISS funding; the CPA process, and the current peace talks funding.

Yes, it is true that few members of South Sudan diaspora are doing lower pay jobs. However, jumbo’s generalization of her claim to include the majority of South Sudanese diaspora who don’t fit into such classification is not doing history justice. Today, there are professional South Sudanese diaspora members who are employed in the west, the U.N., and INGOs on the basis of their strong educational backgrounds, competencies, competition, job merits of the western public services rules and regulations as opposite to South Sudan government appointments, and promotions based on loyalty to leader who controls government positions, and has upper hands in promotions, and appointments of relatives. The immense issue of loyalty has led to the current dysfunctional public services across South Sudan. In addition, the leadership of South Sudan government uses patronage to benefit loyalists, and makes family members and friends rich at the expense of the majority of the South Sudanese. This means that country’s’ economy would be control by one group.

South Sudanese diaspora earn their money ethically from whatever jobs they do 24/7, pay taxes to federal, state, and county governments, and in return they receive services from the three levels of government. For instance, the evacuation of South Sudanese diaspora from Juba, Bor, and Malakal in December 2013 & 2016 is a classic example of western governments’ responsibility for their citizens.

The 192 Kilometer tarmacked road from Juba to Nimule was funded by the USAID. What this means is that, South Sudanese diaspora, who are in your own words, “dish wishers and dirty manual workers in Europe Canada & the U.S.A.,” pay for this road that brings food and development materials to Juba for you and your family members to survive. Without the diaspora contributions for construction of this road, I don’t know how goods would enter Juba, and how government of the South Sudan would survive without goods and services tax revenues from Juba-Nimule Road.

Another example is the water project for Juba One Basic Schools opposite to All Saint’s Cathedral, funded by the USAID. The U.S.A. Embassy in Juba has all figures available.
A Mother and Child Health Care (MCHC) Program in South Sudan is funded by Local Initiative Project Funds for South Sudan through Canadian Embassy in Juba. There are humanitarian projects under the MSF and an agriculture project under Carl Bomby, all funded by government of Canada. Please, feel free to consult Ambassador Nick in Juba for further details. Below are other examples of diaspora contribution to South Sudan’s development.

The 2010 Study Tour of the SPLM and the NCP members to Ottawa, Quebec, Calgary, and Toronto to learn from Canadian experiences in Quebec’s referendum was funded by Government of Canada. Please, consult Hon. Ann Itto, and H.E. Lawrence Korbandy, if Juba Govt pays for the cost of the Study Tour trip.

The following western countries are the most generous donors to South Sudan since the CPA was signed. Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the U.K., and they formed the Joint Donor Team, which contributed $400 million in the interim period to address development issues.

During the referendum the European Union contributed $200 million Euros for development fund. In April 2013, the U.S.A, organized a donor forum to save the South Sudan economy form complete collapse. Donors added up to $300 million to the $1.3 billion already pledged to South Sudan for 2013.

Every time there is flood, humanitarian crisis or hunger problem, Juba government officials call on INGOs for help, and they usually respond quickly and positively. The operations and fix cost of INGOs in South Sudan are payed for by the South Sudanese diaspora taxes. Suzanne you cannot bite the hands, and cut the throats of South Sudanese diaspora who are feeding you, family, and your government on a daily basis.

Overall, the point here is to let you and your government officials who are hostile to diaspora know that each time government of South Sudan received funding from the western countries for development, health, education, peace talks, humanitarian assistances and study tour to Canada, the U.S., and Europe, South Sudanese diaspora contributed directly towards the funding. For example, the success of the SPLM and the NCP members study tour to Canada was due to diaspora proposal to government of Canada through their elected representatives in the House of Commons. Some South Sudanese diaspora helped the host governments with policy advice, logistics, and operations of the study tours, as well as lobby on behalf of the SPLM/A, and raised advocacy on humanitarian crisis in South Sudan. Therefore, South Sudanese diaspora through the Multi Donor Teams and other western countries foot the bills of the CPA Peace Talks; thus, paying for SPLM/A negotiators’ hotels, travel, transportation, pocket money, and other expenses. Please, tell us if SPLM/A pay a penny for the Peace Talks and the peace that you are enjoying now in Juba. Of course, South Sudanese in the diaspora did.

Who educated the western governments about Sudan’s civil war?

The dynamic of civil war in the Sudan could not have been understood well in the western countries without the tireless advocacy and lobby of South Sudanese diaspora are “dish washers and dirty manual workers” in the west. The Diaspora stories and their participations in the day-to-day politics of the governing party helped the SPLM/A to get support from the west. Yes, some of those “dish wishers and dirty manual workers in Europe, Canada, Australia  & the U.S.A,” at time left their jobs in order to appeared before the Foreign Affairs Committees of the western Parliaments, Senates, and House of Representatives to defend the SPLM/A.

The South Sudanese diaspora engaged the ten Emperors (known as the Council) to speak, defend, lobby White House, Congress and Senate and Canadian Parliament and EU Parliament for solution to Sudan’s long civil war in Africa. Through the South Sudanese diaspora persistent efforts, the following people became committed to working for an end to the Sudan’s civil war: Jendayi Frazer, Jonnie Carson, Hon. Bronx Cox, Deputy House of Lords, Roger Winter, John Prendergast, Prof. Eric Reeves of Smith College, Hon. David Kilgour, Hon. Maurice Vellacott, M.P, Hon. Prof. Irwin Colter, former Canadian Justice Minister, Hon. Jason Kenney, Rabbi Bulka, Eng. Roger Stone, St. Thomas Anglican church, Prof. John Weiss of Cornell, and many others. The South Sudanese diaspora put continuous and consistent pressure on the western governments to fund the CPA Peace; the current peace talks in Addis, the relief to IDPs and refugees in Malakal. Without diaspora efforts through rallies and demonstrations even in negative 39ºC to create awareness in the west the SPLA/M would have not gotten the exposure to attract the west to its side during the Sudan civil war. It was through the efforts of the South Sudanese diaspora that peace activists such as Roger Winter came to advise the SPLM to play the correct card in the national and international discussions and during the referendum period.

Further, the diaspora voting power during the western countries elections has play bigger role in bringing Sudan’s war closer to politicians’ eyes in the western countries, as well taking it to schools, universities, churches, and general public.

Now, let me bring South Sudanese diaspora contributions to South Sudan’s economic development closer to your fingertips, so that you can understand better, think, and see bigger picture.

In 2008, and 2009, a group of South Sudanese diaspora shipped 10 medical containers (full of medical supplies, 750 wheeler chairs, X-ray machine, Ultra Sounds, medical beds, medical mattresses, blankets, bed sheets, operating room equipment, operating room beds, delivery room beds, and others) to Juba, and equipped Juba Hospital, CES Children Hospital and Kator Clinic. The medical project equipped 13 medical clinics in CES. Please, talk to Mr. Felix Lado, Medical Assistant & the current CES Minister of Health, Dr. Kuran, Dr. Jamal, Dr. Mirghani, Dr. Louis, and Dr. Isaac to educate you on what the diaspora did to rescue and improve the poor South Sudan health care system. What have you done Suzanne besides writing disparagingly about South Sudanese diaspora?

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=269399906438579&id=100001057148645&sfnsn=wa

The 2008 diapora medical project has benefited medical clinic in the county of the Hon. Wani Igga, Loka West Hospital in the area of the Hon. Yatta Lugar, former GoSS Deputy Minister of Health, and Yei County Hospital in the area of Hon. Aligo LoLado, former CES Minister of Finance. Please, feel free to ask these Honorable men who equipped clinics with medical equipment in their areas, and let us know?


https://www.facebook.com/nyangwaradiaspora.nyangwaradiaspor/videos/634918906553342/?sfnsn=wa

In 2008, there was a flood due to rain in Aweil, and the same diaspora medical project donated 3000 blankets to the victims of Aweil’s floods. Please, consult Hon. Kom Kom, M.P., in the National Assembly for further details. How many blankets have you and your SPLM Secretariat donated for any humanitarian crisis in South Sudan? Show us your records not writings?
Furthermore, in field of education, the same group of diaspora (in 2008-to date) that you call “dish washers and dirty manual workers” equipped the University of Juba & South Sudan Catholic University libraries with 11000 medical and health Sciences, Chemistry, Physics, and Biology textbooks, Juba Health Institute library with health and medical textbooks as well as teaching aid. Please, visit U of J & SSCU libraries and ask Mr. David Lado about the diaspora medical textbooks donations. How many textbooks have you donated to University of Juba library to help South Sudan’s education system develop?

The visit of former VC of U of J, Prof. Aggrey Abate to Canada in 2010 to address the needs of U of J, was because of a diaspora proposal to Canadian government. Please, consult Prof. Abate.

With regard to investments, diaspora held investment forum discussions, and gave talks to western companies’ CEOs and encourage them to invest in South Sudan. It is these diaspora that you call “dish washers and dirty manual workers” who helped some investors to invest in South Sudan.

Every day, members of diaspora communities receive calls from the South Sudan regarding financial assistance. The South Sudanese diaspora has sent and will keep on sending $$$$$$$ of dollars to help pay for medical bills, school tuitions, Funeral expense, and buy foods for their relatives and friends. You know very well that employees in South Sudan at times work up to six month without salaries, and without diaspora financial contributions, South Sudan economy would have collapsed long time ago.

Suzanne you can write, but South Sudanese don’t eat what you write in the internet. my humble advice to you is, before you attack South Sudanese diaspora do research on them, before insulting them, see the big picture, thinks before you write, walk your talks, and think big to understand the role South Sudanese diaspora played in South Sudan’s, liberation and independence, as well now playing in its development, and the current Peace Talks in Addis.

Suzanne, think for a minute about the diaspora contributions to South Sudan’s development, liberation and independence, Why do you, other Sudan government officials, and the SPLM executive members have the audacity to disparagingly call the diaspora “dish washers and lower pay workers and not entitled to dual citizenship as stated by some South Sudanese government Officials, MPs who are mad and envious of South Sudanese foreign passport holders evacuations from Juba in December 2014. Instead of complaining about diaspora evacuation, the SPLM and South Sudan government need to learn from western countries responsibilities towards their citizens.”
There is one thing all will agree with me that South Sudan diaspora earnings are ethical, not stolen public money. Diaspora members have work ethics, and hired by the western countries the U.N., and INGOs on the basis of strong educational background, competencies, competitions, and job merits. In the west you never hear semi-illiterate cook helpers or and salesmen appointed ambassadors.

As much as the SPLA/M freedom fighters fought for South Sudan independence, and liberation, South Sudan diaspora also fought with their energies, education, pens, ideas, money, and contributed equally in South Sudan liberation and independence.

Now, the guns fighting for liberation of South Sudan is finished; however, the real big fight against tribalism, ethnicity, nepotism, favoritism, and loyalism remind the bigger challenge faces South Sudanese who believe in real democracy based on federalism, equal opportunities, and justice for all.

South Sudan’s economic developments, core value of believe, equality and justice for all require diaspora experiences, skills, competencies, and leadership. State of Israel was established by the power of Jewish diaspora in the west, and unlike, Israel, South Sudan government cannot undermine the power of South Sudanese diaspora for South Sudan’s economic development, and brighter future.


Thanks for your interest in South Sudanese diaspora, © Laku, Sr.

Will the Peace Hold in Southern Sudan after the passing of Dr. John Garang?

Will the Peace Hold in Southern Sudan after the passing of Dr. John Garang?
The roots of the conflict in the Sudan goes back to the early 19th century, several decades before the advent of the Western colonialism in the Sudan; which makes it one the longest wars in the world after the Israeli- Palestine war.
Also, the war in the Southern Sudan, between the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Islamic fundamentalism (NIF) in Khartoum is among Africa’s oldest and deadliest conflicts and largest in the region. More then 3 million were killed, achieving a death toll over twenty times higher than Darfur’s do date.
The NIF viewed the CPA as an opportunity to direct the international community’s attention away from their ongoing genocide in Darfur. While they have made some cosmetic changes, the NIF hasn’t fulfilled their core obligations to the CPA and don’t appear any more committed to this peace agreement than to any of the other treaties they’ve signed. In fact the NIF has put enormous obstacles in place to prevent progress on the CPA. It seems clear the NIF has no intention of sharing either power or oil revenue with the SPLA.

On the one hand it is impossible for the SPLA or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGDA) to know if the NIF is sharing oil revenues according to the dictates of the CPA because the NIF won’t disclose what the total revenues are. It is also likely that the NIF will use oil money to manipulate voting in the upcoming referendum on separation, which will take place in six years time.

The NIF’s continued support for the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda is another problem calling the success of the CPA into question. How could the LRA cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistical support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to the population in Juba and most of the Arab trades are not happy that food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.

As know you the recent attacked on the convey in early September between Juba and Yei, the NIF is behind it. How could (LRA) cross the east side of the river to west, without the logistic support of the NIF? Yei is the only source of food to Juba population and most of the Arab trades are not happy that the food should come from Yei, because it will have negative impact on their business in Juba.

The United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), could have prevented the recent attack in Yei-Juba road, but the 700 UNMIS peacekeeping troops are based only in Juba unarmed and mostly allied with Khartoum’s regimes and who have large investments in the Sudanese oil sector. Most of the UNMIS peacekeeping troops from Australia, Russia and other European countries are enjoying themselves in Khartoum’s expensive hotels playing cards and smoking cigars instead of patrolling the North / South border.
Besides this, the mandate of United Nation Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) is very weak. They have no power to arrest treaty violators, detain suspects or fight back. This is a repeat of the situation in Darfur and if such attacks continue UNMIS will be as impotent as the AU in that region.
Furthermore, the NIF has not disclosed the number of troops it still has in Southern Sudan to the UNMIS, either in Juba or other part of Southern Sudan.

Added to this hostile elements are the 500,000 Janjaweed with their horses, women and children that the NIF relocated from Darfur to Rokon County, about 60 miles south west of Juba. Their presence tends to indicate that the NIF intends to unleash a campaign of atrocities on Rokon County similar to the one they have in Darfur.
Another tactic the NIF is using to destabilize South Sudan is the transfer of large numbers of Egyptian Arabs to that region. This is in keeping with their policy of Arabizing Sudan and the implementation of this policy is what leads to the violence in Darfur.

The NIF encourages immigration from Egypt by offering these migrants the following rights: freedom of entry to Sudan without visas; residence permits are provided free of cost; freedom of movement within the whole of Sudan; the ability to own land upon arrival; the right to vote as soon as they settle in Sudan.
All of this is going on while tens of thousands of Sudanese languish in Egypt in deplorable conditions with none of the aforementioned privileges. Nineteen thousand are registered with the UNHCR, but there are many more Sudanese stranded in Egypt, unable to return to Sudan.

The strategy is obvious; the Arabs are being relocated in the south while African Southerners are being kept from returning in an attempt to shift the demographic to favour Khartoum when the vote for independence comes in 2011.
The abuse of South Sudanese is not restricted to Egypt. There are countless Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in Khartoum or in the IDP camps around it such as Hagi Yousif , Kalakata and Al-Sal’ama Camp in Jebel.
Since the death of Garang the dumping of five to ten bodies of South Sudanese has become a daily occurrence. Those who had managed to scrape together enough to escape the IDP camps and eke out a living in Khartoum are being driven from their homes once again by landlords who are increasing rents by as much as 100%. Whole families are being driven back into the camps straining what resources are available there.

In another effort to keep Southerners from returning home the NIF has increased air fare from Khartoum to Juba from $100, to $200. These are just a few of the tactics implemented by the NIF to insure the CPA fails. It is up to the international community to monitor these violations and, more importantly, insure there are very real and very negative consequences for such abuse. Only through this type of foreign intervention will the NIF be made to respect their obligations under the CPA and implement it fully without delay.

Afro-Canadian MPs and african diplomats have a disappointing record on Darfur

Aug 24, 2005 (Ottawa) — If the Afro-Canadian Members of Parliament do not care about the genocide in Darfur, why should the Canadian government care about Darfur? Canada sent 1,400 troops to Bosnia because Canadians of European decent play a big role in Canadian government and politics today. Today, Africans do have a voice in Canada’s Parliament, but most have chosen to be quiet on issues affecting Africa. Bloc Quebecois MP Maka Kotto, a Canadian-African of Cameroonian decent, has chosen to keep quiet instead of supporting Independent MP David Kilgour in the fight against the genocide in Darfur, in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia.

Why is Maka Kotto so silent on Africans’ problems? Why are Senator Donald Oliver, MPs Jean Augustine, Hedy Fry, Marlene Jennings, Rahim Jaffer and Deepak Obhrai silent in the issue of Darfur? Thanks to Gurmant Grewal and Bhupinder S. Liddar for their continued support of Africans: you are true sons of Africa, may God bless you. It is a shame on our African MPs.
Additionally and most important is the silence of the African diplomatic corps (with exception of some embassies). I think when Europeans come to Africa as diplomats they are very vocal in the press in the countryside, with the people, but our OWN African diplomats as a unit are very silent except for photo opportunities during Independence Day celebrations and parties; leaving their children in Canada when their term has ended. Therefore, I’d like to see the Dean and the African Heads of Missions in Canada form a coalition to ensure that the government of Canada plays its part in peacekeeping in Darfur and to push their weight collectively to answer all of Africa’s concerns.

In 2003, I wrote a letter to Jean Augustine in reference to rape victims in the Sudan and asking how she could assist. I received no formal reply from her office until now. How many times has Ms. Augustine written to the prime minister about the suffering women of Darfur? Not a single letter, that I know of. Last May I wrote an open letter to all MPs regarding genocide in Darfur. I received no responses from any of the Afro-Canadian MPs. So why should the world care about Africans and the Caribbean if black senators and MPs are not concerned about Africa?

It’s too early to know how much the newly appointed governor general will do for the victims of the rape in Darfur, peace in the South Sudan, genocide in Congo, and hunger in Niger, Mali and Ethiopia. I do hope she will not turn her back on Africa and Caribbean. Can she make injustice visible?

©By Justin Laku,
Founder of the group Canadian Friends of Sudan

REINSTATEMENT OF SENIORITY WITH CORRECT RANKS, AND PROMOTION ADJUSTMENTS

May 29th, 2012

To: H.E. Major General Alison Elia Magaya

Minister of Interior

Juba, Republic of South Sudan

RE: REINSTATEMENT OF SENIORITY WITH CORRECT RANKS, AND PROMOTION ADJUSTMENTS

Dear Mr. Magaya,

I am a concerned citizen of South Sudan, researcher, an academic, socio-political activist, civil society member, and watch-dog. I am writing to you regarding reinstatement, and promotions of some of South Sudan Police and Prison Officers who have not been promoted according to their batch. The un-promoted Officers have served under the national government of Sudan with competency, efficiency and effectiveness, reinstated and integrated into South Sudan Police Forces with the lower ranks, while their peers of same class were promoted to higher ranks such as Major Generals.

As you know complaint regarding the Police and Prison Officers were submitted to your predecessor’s desk and to your office to look into the promotion concerns of the Police and the Prison Officers who are still not promoted to the same ranks as their colleagues and peers. But the office of your predecessor failed to address and resolve these issues holistically, and now it appears that the current office of Minister of interior is following similar policy of delay, depriving and suppressing the promotions and reinstatement of certain Police and Prison Officers.

Furthermore, I would like to remind you that during the 2010 swearing in ceremony of the President of government of South Sudan, President Salva assured the un-promoted Officers that, he will address the reinstatement and promotions issues promptly, once and for all, and in timely manner. However, it appears that nothing has been done to resolve reinstatement and promotions of the current active Police and Prison Services Officers.

In addition to this, the research showed that there is a new list of inactive Police Officers before President Salva’s desk awaiting Presidential Decree for their reinstatement and promotions. Furthermore, most of the inactive Police Officers were out of police services for over ten years, and some have lived in the Western countries for many years and might have forgotten the police system, while the outstanding Police Officers with excellent performances, excellent academic credentials and excellent experiences are left out from the current promotions and deprive from all constitutional rights. How could South Sudan Police system and the Ministry of Interior explain this discrimination of its own Police Officers? This discrimination will demoralized the effectiveness of police toward crimes reduction. This discrimination will help deprive Police Officers not to act or deter and prevent crimes the high rate of killing crimes in Juba and other parts of South Sudan, and why should priority be given to inactive Police Officers who spent many years abroad without active duty? The first priority should be given to South Sudan Police and Prison Officers who are currently active on duty.

Finally, as a concerned citizen of South Sudan, researcher, an academic, socio-political activist, civil society member, and watch-dog, I would like to see the promotions, reinstatements, and readjustments issues and concerns be addressed as soon as possible, so that the Human Rights and equality be recognized in a timely manner. People of South Sudan fought because of injustice, inequality, and discrimination in the old Sudan regime, and some of South Sudan Police and Prison Officers are experiencing similar injustice, inequality, and discrimination under the current South Sudan government system. Peace without justice and equality is not a peace.

Thanks for your interest in the concerns of citizen of South Sudan and I hope to hear from you soon with favorable results.

Yours sincerely, Justin Laku

P.S. I enclosed to you attached list of deprived and un-promoted Police and Prison Officers

Cc: H.E. Salva Kiir Mayardit, President

Cc: H.E. Riek Machar, Ph.D., Vice President

Cc: Hon. James Wani Igga, South Sudan Parliament’s Speaker

Cc: H.E. Clement Wani, Central Equatoria State Governor

Cc: H.E. Louis Lobong, Eastern Equatoria State Governor

Cc: H.E. Joseph Baksoro, Westernn Equatoria State Governo

Cc: H.E. Joseph Bol, South Sudan Senate Speaker

Cc: H.E. the U.S.A., Ambassador to South Sudan

Cc: All Members of National and State Parliaments

Cc: All Foreign Mission Ambassadors in South Sudan

Cc: All International Media House

Cc: All Donors Members States

Cc: All Members of Diaspora

© Laku's Research Centre 2012

Sudan Elections: The Test of Democracy

In January 2005, the government of Omar Hassan Al Bashir and the Sudan People Liberation Movement/ Army (SPLM/A) signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).Under the CPA provision of “one country, and two systems” model, the north and south will share power, resources and wealth which are located in the disputed areas of Abyei, Blue Nile State and the Nuba Mountains.

These disputed areas are still officially part of the North but may have an opportunity to join the South pursuant to a public vote under the CPA provisions. In addition, as per the CPA, both the north and south will maintain separate armies in addition to a joint integrated army that they share. Following a six year transitional period, the south will determine whether it wants to secede via a referendum or remain part of a united Sudan.

Sudan like other African States is facing a democratic test through transformation from a one party state to a multi-party rule via good governance and its key components of fair, free, transparency, credible, inclusive, legitimacy, accountability, and rule of law. However, the main issues of disputes are the census, free press, the Election Commission, Security law, and ballot papers.

The census is a periodic count of the population and the results are use to define electoral constituencies, affecting the number of parliamentary seats as well as state budget for each Sudanese state. The 2009, census in Sudan reduced the South Sudan population, while increasing the population of war-torn Darfur which resulted in the IDPs displacement, 400,000 died, and loss of life as a result of hunger and drought. Reliable source from the GoSS suggested that the SPLM and NCP agreed that 60 more seats will be created in the national parliament in order to compensate the census results as well as will give SPLM veto power in the national parliament.

SPLM could have organized a census of the South Sudan population and contrasted its results with 2009 census to demonstrate its position credibly, as well as to provide the international community and donors and trustees in particular with substantial evidence about the census. It has not done so.

The free press is compromised by the politics of the state parties in the North and South. Since the CPA, neither the South nor the North state parties have been able to transform themselves towards democratic behaviour with respect to other parties. The SPLM restricts other political parties from campaigning in the South. South Sudan TV under the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is not mandated to cover non-SPLM political rallies. For instance, in the first week of March 2010, the SPLM-DC was obstructed in Wau by GoSS security officials not to hold rallies. Further, in a letter dated November 9, 2009, “Salva Kirr, the first vice president of Sudan gave a directive through Dr. Luka Tombekana Monja, Minister of Cabinet Affairs, to all the governors of ten South Sudan States to cooperate and not to hinder works of other political parties except the so called SPLM-DC.” Such orders and directives go against the rules of the National Election Commission (NEC).

Most of the northern political parties including SPLM accused NEC of being biased in favour of NCP and suggested that the election be postponed. President Al Bashir warned that there would be no referendum without primary elections in April 2010.

The opposition and SPLM parties were not ready for election, were disorganized and badly financed. Furthermore, SPLM was afraid of losing seats hence lose control of the South Sudan Parliament since there are a large number of independent candidates within SPLM who are nominated by their constituencies and the road for referendum would be difficult. For the NCP, the only way to weaken the SPLM and to break the horns of separatists in the South was through the election. Since SPLM failed to deliver on services and real development since it assumed power in 2005, it was not ready, and it is also inexperienced in the politics of election.

The NCP in Khartoum has delivered many development projects such as building new roads that connect the North, East, and West. Currently the NCP has proposed a new highway that will connect Port Sudan and Senegal through Chad; Sudan and South Africa; schools, universities, hospitals, bridges, airports; electricity and water network; and initiated new agricultural projects in Geizra agricultural Scheme.

To contrast NCP’s achievements with SPLM’s, there are no new schools, hospitals, roads, bridges, airports and electricity and water networks that connect the South’s major cities, the water services and electricity network are still very poor; and there is no agricultural scheme initiated to meet the food demands of South Sudanese. Most basic necessities are imported from Uganda, Kenya, andNorth Sudan. Furthermore, the SPLM is invisible in the North, East, and Western Sudan. The Chairman of SPLM did not visit many cities and states in the North except GoSS Speaker of the parliament. SPLM failed to initiate projects in the North, East, and Darfur. South Sudan is very poor. During heated discussions, SPLM tended to walk out of the parliament sessions.

Based on the above factors, early exit and withdrawal of Yasir Arman was the best solution to avoid disappointment and shame, because the election was about service delivery and real development on the ground. SPLM's new strategy was to consolidate its power, present in the South and hope to win the referendum at all cost, and tried to buy time to avoid the April 2010 election.

If South Sudan under the SPLM achieved referendum, the small tribes will be under the major tribes which control SPLM/A currently and South Sudan will be faced with the issue of majority versus minority as in the Balkans in Eastern Europe.

"We're trying to separate ourselves from the Arabs because of marginalization,” says Clement Maring Samuel, a Mundari SPLA pastor now serving as Terekeka's Commissioner. "But if the Dinka don't behave well, we will separate again."(additional reporting by Chen Aizhu in Beijing and Andrew Quinn in Washington; editing by Sara Ledwith).On the other hand, if the referendum failed, South Sudan will remain under the control of the North and the dream of forefathers of South Sudan separatists and liberation movement will die.

In the case of Darfur the situation is rather different. Al Bashir was indicted and the ICC issued an arrest warrant, but the population of Darfur see Al Bashir like Saul of Tarsus who persecuted thechurch of Christ and became one of the best apostles of Christ to advance the church mission. With support and extra funding from Arab princes and heads of states, Al Bashir is currently building 100 pilot housing projects to relocate IDPs from their camps to new housing (built with red brick). Each house consists of two bedrooms, bathroom, and kitchen, and 85 medical clinics. With this real development on the ground, would the IDPs vote for Al Bashir or Abdu Wahide Nur who lives in Francesince 2007 and is invisible on the ground?

Election riggings and frauds such as those that occurred in Nigeria in June 12, 1993, Iran in June 2009, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008, and Afghanistan in 2009 should be an eye opener for the chairman of NEC who was appointed by SPLM. The decision of NEC to print presidential ballots in government owned printing press was the beginning of unfair rigging and possible fraud of election materials. The contract could have been awarded to privates printing companies to prevent boycotts and withdrawal of some political parties from the election. To prevent rigging, fraud, and manipulation of the cast ballots through logistic processes; the cast votes must be counted at the polling centers by the end of each day especially the cast ballots from outside Khartoum. Failure to do so results in boxes being changed during the transportation from polling centers to counting centers in Khartoum and stuffing of boxes with unofficial votes.

It has been almost six years of transitional period that the South will determine whether it wants to secede via referendum, or remain a part of united Sudan. However, the road to the referendum is fair, free, transparent, credible, inclusive, legitimate, accountable, and follows the rule of law in the election process. Are there any lessons that can be learnt from Kenya’s last election?

Justin Laku©
University of Ottawa, Canada.

Sudan Elections: Democracy at Last ?

Elections as a fundamental or instrumental right

In analyzing election outcome and the prospects for democracy in Sudan, it is necessary to distinguish between ultimate goals and the necessary instruments for achieving them. It would make sense for political parties in Sudan to distinguish between fundamental rights and instrumental rights. “The right to vote, for instance, is an instrumental right designed to help us achieve the fundamental right of government by consent. The right to a free press is also an instrumental right designed to help us achieve an open society and freedom of information” (Milton R. Konvitz, 2001).

Democracy in depth / Democracy in theory

By the same token, political parties can distinguish between democracy as means and democracy as goals. The most fundamental of the goals of democracy are probably four in number. Firstly, to make rulers accountable and answerable for their actions and policies. Secondly, to make citizens effective participants in choosing rulers and regulating their actions. Thirdly, to make the society as open and the economy as transparent as possible; and fourthly, to make the social order fundamentally just and equitable to the greatest number possible. Accountable rulers, actively participating citizens, an open society with a transparent economy, and social justice: those are the four fundamental ends of democracy (Roland N. Stromberg, 1996).

In order to achieve these goals, citizens must make their rulers more accountable. The U.S.A., for example, has chosen separation of powers and checks and balances; whilst the U.K., has chosen increased sovereignty of Parliament. These are different ways to make the executive branch more accountable and answerable in its use of powers.

General governance in Sudan

One component of good governance is rule of law, specifically during elections. Again, in the U.S.A, the law is on the side of the open society (Lois G. Forer). On the other hand, in Sudan and much of the rest of Africa, the law of libel can be used to stop the flow of information, rather than facilitate it. Libel law in Sudan can be more an ally of censorship than a partner of an open society.

In Sudan, the free press is compromised by the politics of the state parties in both the North and the South. Since the CPA, state parties in the South and the North have not been able to transform themselves towards democratic behaviour with respect to the political views of other parties. The SPLM party restricts the campaigning of other parties in the South through arrest, harassment, and detention with no legal grounds. Also, South Sudan television, controlled by the Government of South Sudan (GoSS), is mandated not to cover non-SPLM political rallies. In March 2010, the SPLM-DC in the City ofWau, was prevented from holding rallies by GoSS security officials. Earlier, in a letter dated November 9, 2009, Salva Kirr, the First Vice-President of Sudan, had given orders through the Minister of Cabinet Affairs, Dr. Luka Tombekana Monja to governors of ten South Sudan States to hinder the work of other political parties.This goes against the rules of democracy and good governance.

Democracy in Sudan / Democracy in practice

The question, then is, what does democracy mean to Sudanese voters? African leaders inherited democracy from colonial masters without understanding the concept behind it. In essence, democracy, as applied in Sudan is tantamount to a “copy and paste” of western democracy, and lacks solid beliefs, values, and processes that are meaningful to the locals. As a result, these artificial applications of democracy remain vulnerable to the instinctive impulse of tribalism. Therefore, democracy in Sudan is rife with tribalism, ethnic nepotism, and ethnic favouritism.

It is not the visible process of democracy that will bring success overnight, but rather a host of behind the scenes and necessary development projects and initiatives on the ground, that will lead Sudan to the third dimension of democracy.

The third dimension of democracy is stability: which is a social-political precondition for both sustainable development and durable democracy. Sudan’s three greatest needs are development, democracy, and stability. Alleviation of poverty is one of the fruits of democratised development, and it is also one of the most obvious and tangible gains to be had when democracy and development are jointly stabilised and truly humanised.

Democracy suffered greatly in Sudan during the Cold War era, because Sudanese government of the day was allowed to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of fighting communism. The question now stands, as to whether democracy in Sudan will now suffer, again, because the Sudanese governments in South and North are encouraged to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of unfair election and illegitimate governments?

The three horsemen

Election rigging and other vote frauds, such as the ones allegedly taking place in Central Equatorial, Unity State, Wau, and other parts of Sudan in the Governorship and State Parliament races, are all clear indications of an unfair, non-free, non-transparent, non-credible, and non-inclusive election held with and in, an absence of rule of law. Sudanese democracy is thus being killed by multiple assassins; which are the National Election Commission (NEC), the NCP, and SPLM.

Each of these three suspects in the election rigging game has had a hand in unfair elections, and indeed, has contributed to the death of democracy in Sudan. For example, the NEC in the North, by its decision to print presidential ballots in a government owned printing press, opened the door to unfair rigging and possible fraud in the creation of election materials. On the part of the NCP, its use of oil money and public services to fund its campaigns is a crass destruction of the democratic process and a trampling of Islamic laws.

Finally, the SPLM harassment of independent candidates, and directives and orders handed down to ban the activities of SPLM-DC, are an added false start to the work of democratization in Sudan. However, democracy in South Sudan is not yet fully dead as there are still signs of life and hope. Yes, it is true that first- aid is sorely required to give it life through recounts, cross- referencing voter lists with actual votes cast in areas where irregularities allegedly occurred, and so forth.

The way forward

In the final analysis, this unfair election may cause more harm than good to both SPLM, and NCP as CPA partners, and the road to independence for South Sudan through the upcoming referendum in 2011, will be that much more difficult.

From the indicators on the ground, most Southern Sudanese Citizens are in favour of separation under the SPLM; and the North is trying its utmost best to make continued unity attractive at all costs. The only and final voices on the status and prospects for democracy in Sudan are the Sudanese people, who have remained oppressed for 25 years and would very much like to see change from a one party state to multi-party rule; all through good governance and its key components of fair, free, transparent, credible and inclusive elections; accountability and legitimacy in governance; and, the rule of law.

Kenya election was a litmus test but sadly African governments failed to learn from election riggings and frauds such as those that occurred in Nigeria in June12, 1993, Iran in June 2009, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008, and Afghanistan in 2009 and democracy will continue to suffer in the continent.

What should be done regarding rigging votes? The first step is that the NEC should resolve disputes over election results through a disputes and complaints committee. The results must be reviewed, with options put on the table including a recount (in Terekeka, Bentiu, and Wau) to satisfy stakeholders’ confidence in the NEC.

Finally, the way ahead is creation of a multi-national state thus must ascribe to the principles of equality, acceptance, respect, freedom, separation of religion from state, peace and reconciliation initiatives, need for the creation of national consciousness and of an awareness of common values, sense of responsibility for the country’s other cultures, and the law-enforcement against culture of corruption, tribalism, ethnic nepotism, and ethnic favouritism.

By Justin Laku©
University of Ottawa, Canada.

SPLA/M: Does it Hold Hope for Sudan?

July 10th, 2011: SPLM HQ, Juba: Remarks by NCA Representative 

In 2005, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) and the Khartoum Regime (NIF) signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Kenya, after twenty three years of Sudan’s second civil war that cost over two million lives and internally displaced more than six million people.

The civil war in Sudan is one of Africa’s longest, bloodiest and most inflexible conflicts. Civil wars have been fought in Uganda (1981-86), Ethiopia (1974-91), Rwanda (1990-94), Liberia (1990-93), and Mozambique (1980-93). Oppressed or excluded groups fought their way from the periphery into power at the center to free themselves from oppressive rule by those who had been controlling the center.

In Southern Sudan, power sharing has been absent with regards to the separation of religion from State, sharing of the natural resources, equality and justice among the Sudanese people. Despite the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), power is still centralized in Khartoum.

A point of tension and conflict is the identity of Sudan as an African nation. Despite its geographic location in the Continent and majority African population, the majority of power is held by 39% of its population who are Arabs. These are the main reasons behind the first and the second civil wars in 1950s, 1960s, and 1983s.

Slavery and war against terrorism have placed Sudan on the CIA, FBI and international community’s scrutiny- particularly the discovery of oil in Southern Sudan in 1979. The Khartoum regime allegedly gave Osama Bin-Laden a safe haven which he used to plan the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, with the support of the Khartoum regime.

Four years since the SPLA/M assumed power in Southern Sudan, the security situation has not improved. The Lord’s Resistance Army’s (LRA) military activities are still active in Central and Western Equatorial States. The Government of the Southern Sudan (GoSS) has failed to protect its citizens and disarm the Dinka tribesmen who continue to terrorize Central, Eastern, and Western Equatorial civilians in Magwi County, Nimule, Yei, Yambio, and other parts of Great Equatorial. Furthermore, the Dinka tribesmen deliberately allow their cattle to graze on the Great Equatorial farming land.

The people of South Sudan are divided by power as well. Most of the GoSS cabinet, deputies ministers, attorney generals, as well as senior officers in the police force, prisons, military, civil and foreign service are from the Dinka tribe. Dinkas in the SPLA constitute the largest portion of the military personnels within the movement. The Dinka use their dominance to suppress other Southern Sudanese tribes instead of sharing power, as Arabs did before 2005.

The Dinkas seem to be out to gain control over the natural resources of Southern Sudan; rule over the rest of the South, kill, and imprison anyone who opposes their ill-conceived “Dinka Born to Rule” notion. The classic example is the appointment of hard-line proponent of Dinka nationalism, Able Alier, as a ‘born to rule advisor’ to Salva Kiir Mayardit, for the purposes of implementing the policy of Dinka domination over other tribes.

Since the beginning of 2009, Eastern and Central Equatorial civilians have been killed and the Great Equatorial girls and women raped. The SPLA high officials have been appropriating Central and Eastern Equatorial lands and selling them to Somalia businessmen – leaving the land owners homeless and displaced.
The culture of corruption is rampant with development money leaving South Sudan and going to foreign accounts. The pattern of events in Southern Sudan is symptomatic of lack of good governance and leadership within the SPLA/M.

The GoSS has failed to educate the public on the importance of democracy, fair elections and good governance (whose components include accountability, legitimacy, democracy, equality, inclusiveness, transparency, coherency, conflict resolution, efficiency, and rule of law.)

Pressure must be put on the SPLA leadership to implement their commitments to good governance and full representation of all Southern Sudan tribes in the GoSS. Victims of rape and human rights abuse must be redressed and the lands taken forcefully from the Great Equatorial be given back to their owners. Equality in treatment is paradoxically based on the disorder and injustice produced by inequality.

 ©Laku, SR
University of Ottawa